Overview: In this chronological sketch of American spirituality, Leigh Schmidt argues that many of the sentiments and practices of the contemporary American "spiritual marketplace" are rooted in an indigenous tradition of seeker spirituality deriving from liberal Protestantism.
Argument: Schmidt's narrative takes place against a background of popular books and scholarship that refer to spirituality and individual religion as something new (a boomer fad), detrimentally individualistic, and imported. A representative of this work is Habits of the Heart by Robert Bellah et al., which presents liberal religion as a a narcissistic, solopsistic solvent corroding bonds of family and community. Bellah's thin reading and lack of attention to historical context make it easy for him and his fellows to ridicule seemingly narcissistic statements by spiritual practitioners (269-71). Similarly, in the case of The Making of the New Spirituality by James Herrick, all non-creedal spirituality "from Ralph Waldo Emerson to UFO aboductees" (285) is grouped together as an Other contrasted unfavorably with orthodox Christianity.
In contrast to readings such as these, Schmidt offers the construct of a "Spiritual Left" with deep roots in American religion and a consistent set of sensibilities, though not teachings. This Spiritual Left arose out of liberal Protestantism's desire for a religion that was both interior (possessing mystical sensitivity) and expansive (curious about world religions, yearning to overcome dogmatic and sectarian controversies). In the aftermath of the Enlightenment, religious liberals desired a religion amenable to the Age of Reason but also more than mere rationality, a combination of scientific realism and romantic impulse. Schmidt charts the Spiritual Left in four broad periods: "the Transcendentalists of the 1830s and 1840s, their radical heirs of the 1850s to 1880s, the realizing agents of liberalism’s universal vision between 1890 and 1910, and the seekers who brought to fruition the emergent spirituality after 1910" (14). These groups were linked through key personalities and a series of institutions, but even more so by a burgeoning literary tradition.
As the Spiritual Left ventured beyond orthodoxy, it had to appropriate or create terminology as well as refashion old concepts. "Mystical" referred to a type of exegesis practiced by (usually Catholic) Christians; "mystical theology" was bound up with classical theological ideals and the monastic traditions. The Spiritual Left had to disentangle these connections in order to arrive at an individual yet universal religious interiority that could be explored without dogmatic guidelines. Likewise, the term "seekers" that so aptly described the aims of many in the Spiritual Left had to be reappropriated from the Christian tradition, in which it named (rather accurately) a heresy. Also, the notion of solitude, central to Transcendentalist experience and all American spiritualists thereafter, had to be transformed from its original home in the Christian desert fathers and reshaped to meet the needs of Americans who did not desire to abnegate society but who did need a break from the hustle and bustle of modern life. Perhaps most significantly, meditation as a practice blended the Transcendentalist tradition of reflective interiority with specific techniques learned from the East: from Buddhists, Vedantists, yogis, and other spiritual masters.
Schmidt is extremely sympathetic to his subjects, but he does note tensions in the enterprise of individual spiritual exploration. Having set out to explore, is the point to find something or merely to go on exploring forever? If seekers did settle down, would those still seeking view it as a betrayal? Furthermore, practitioners disagreed over whether the quest for universal religion meant a homogenous transcending of all existing particular forms of religion or a principled pluralism that recognized validity in individual expressions. However, Schmidt considers these more problems for individuals or specific institutions than for society as a whole. He repeatedly remarks that seekers tended to be very socially engaged, contrary to the narcissistic portrait promoted by critics.
Method: In a work like this, the author's greatest task is showing that his subject exists as a definable entity rather than as a random collection of particulars. Schmidt tackles this problem by tracing the institutional ties that link people. He signals his intention to proceed in this fashion early on when he states that mysticism in America was born on May 20, 1838 in Medford Massachusetts, at a meeting of the Transcendental Club. Various institutions form the hubs from which individual biographies radiate. An especially important one for Schmidt's argument is Greenacre, a spiritual center that connects dots in his narrative. Owned by Sarah Parker from 1894 until her death in 1916, it was an experiment in comparative religion. Enshrining the memories of Emerson, Thoreau, and Whitman, it demonstrated continuity with the American spiritual tradition. Yet many of its guests were representatives from other religions, especially Eastern ones. Finally, Greenacre highlights the tensions of seeker spirituality, as Farmer eventually converted to Baha'i; the property passed into Baha'i ownership after her death, thus ending the experiment in comparative religion. Where insitutional ties are wanting, there are often literary ties, for example, a shared admiration for Swedenborg or Whitman.
Schmidt is sensitive to the gendered properties of seeker religion. Women occupy key roles in his narrative. Moreover, he stresses how seeker spirituality appealed to women who were shut out of leadership roles in traditional churches. Some seekers were influential in movements for women's equality, while many more were sympathetic. Class issues are not as pronounced in Schmidt's narrative. He does mention that much of this culture was perpetuated by books, a certain set of books. This requirement would seem to indicate that until the boomer generation, the Spiritual Left was an elite movement. His attention to biography and not to material culture or quantitative studies makes it difficult to know how representative his subjects are.