An excellent and eye-opening read from a radical UK barrister about the housing crisis in the UK.
My only criticism is that for some reason the blurb, marketing, and the author himself think that the book operates as a refutation of YIMBYism and supply-side reforms. The author seems ignorant of the aims of the YIMBY movement (unless they are different in the UK). In Australia, YIMBYs aim to fight planning laws which artificially prevent new builds in inner-city areas; such areas are inevitably governed by councils controlled by richer, whiter, and older residents. These are the very cohort of petty landlords the author rails against. His contention that supply is a red herring is only supported by the assertion that there are plenty of empty or underutilised homes and that new developments don't always lower local property values. The latter point is irrelevant if demand continues to exceed supply, and the former point is irrelevant if empty homes are poorly located, or if there are incentives against downsizing, a separate issue. He never mentions Japan, where deregulation and competition for supply have kept housing cheap and plentiful. It is possible to advocate for planning reforms whilst also supporting public housing and tenants' rights, which would both benefit from such reforms.
With that aside, the book is a powerful historical review of centuries of crisis in housing from a working-class, unionist (indeed Marxist) perspective. The problems which the UK and other Western, particularly English-speaking countries face, are not new, nor are they impossible to solve. They are the result of neoliberal (Thatcherite) policy choices made around the 1980s, gutting public housing, cutting taxes and services, but simultaneously allowing owner-occupiers and investors to balloon their share of the nation's wealth. In effect, this has moved the burden of supporting the entire economy on to an insecure, poverty-stricken tenant class which sees none of the reward for its efforts.
Petty landlords have arisen en masse to police and profit from this new status quo. Gone are the days of rent strikes and direct action against institutional landlords. The new oppressors are overwhelmingly individuals - relatives, churchgoers, the elderly, the familiar - armed with tax breaks, estate agents, and an ideology that they are somehow benevolent housing "providers". With the evils and injustices of residential landlordism distributed so widely, we have forgotten how to be disgusted by its parasitic, toxic nature, both to the individual and to the economy, morally and financially.
It is a shocking revelation that at one point in Britain just 7% of households rented from a private landlord, the rest living in council housing or owning their own home. Rent caps and tenants' rights, fought for by unions and kept in place by both Labour and Tory governments, suppressed the absurd and annihilatory conditions now felt among renters. Now, New Labour, like the Labor party in Australia, seems an utterly toothless and clawless beast which can only perpetuate the worsening exploitation of the poorest, hardest-working, youngest, and most valuable.
In cities like London and Sydney tenants routinely pay 50% of their incomes in rent. How much youthful energy, entrepreneurialism, and simple joy is lost transferring wealth to the already relatively wealthy? How many families never start, how many succumb to despair as they must rent and sharehouse into middle age?
Something will eventually break! Books like this remind us we can rebuild better.