Out to Work: A History of Wage-Earning Women in the United States, 20th Anniversary Edition

by Alice Kessler-Harris

First published in 1982, this pioneering work traces the transformation of "women's work" into wage labor in the United States, identifying the social, economic, and ideological forces that have shaped our expectations of what women do. Basing her observations upon the personal experience of individual American women set against the backdrop of American society, Alice Kessler-Harris examines the effects of class, ethnic and racial patterns, changing perceptions of wage work for women, and the relationship between wage-earning and family roles. In the 20th Anniversary Edition of this landmark book, the author has updated the original and written a new Afterword.

Genres: History, Labor, American History, Nonfiction, Feminism, Womens, Read For School

432 pages, Paperback

First published April 22, 1982

About the author

Alice Kessler-Harris is the R. Gordon Hoxie Professor of American History at Columbia University, in New York City and former president of the Organization of American Historians. She specializes in the history of American labor and the comparative and interdisciplinary exploration of women and gender.

Kessler-Harris received her B.A. from Goucher College in 1961 and her Ph.D. from Rutgers University in 1968.

She contributed the piece "Pink Collar Ghetto, Blue Collar Token" to the 2003 anthology Sisterhood Is Forever: The Women's Anthology for a New Millennium, edited by Robin Morgan.

Her newest book, A Difficult Woman: The Challenging Life and Times of Lillian Hellman, was published in June 2012. Her other books include Gendering Labor History, which collects some of her best-known essays on women and wage work; In Pursuit of Equity: Women, Men, and the Quest for Economic Citizenship in Twentieth Century America, which won several prizes including the Joan Kelly Prize, the Philip Taft award, and the Bancroft Prize. Among her other fellowships and awards, Kessler-Harris has been a fellow at the National Humanities Center in Durham, North Carolina and at the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study. She is the past president of the Labor and Working-Class History Association.

(from Wikipedia)

Reviews

[Michael · Rating 5 out of 5]

This is a socially and politically engaged book, by one committed to the rights of women and to the historiographical utility of the study of gender as a category of analysis. In her preface, Kessler-Harris reminds us that she is writing at the beginning of the "Reagan Revolution," a time which must have seemed dark indeed for those who sought equal pay for equal work, opportunities for women in the workplace and governmental support for programs that made women's paid work either more rewarding or less stressful. She strikes an optimistic note, arguing essentially that the "genie is out of the bottle," that women's transition to paid work is a fait accompli in the latter part of the century. A new woman has emerged, and she will not be denied. Noting that women have always worked, she points out that forces within industrialization in the 19th Century created both the need for women's paid labor and an ideology that made this labor a "temporary" and "less valuable" function than work in the home. The "ideology of separate spheres" was in tension and conflict with the reality of women's wage work. Coming out of the 19th Century burdened with the internal contradictions posed by the reality of women's paid work and the ideology of women's special place, the 20th Century saw the increasing durability of women's wage labor. In the post-world war two period, changing ideas about personal fulfillment combined with the consumer culture to make women's wage labor a permanent feature of the post-industrial American economy. Yet, this doesn't prevent the yearning for a period in the past, a longing to return to the "good old days," when women didn't have to work for wages. It is the reality of this idealized past that Kessler-Harris brings to us in this book. As we often learn, the old days were hardly as good as the popular mind would have it. Above all, the transition from pre-modern to modern woman is mediated by reactions to and participation in the industrialization of America.

Starting with "Forming the Female Wage Labor Force: Colonial America to the Civil War," Kessler-Harris reminds us that work in colonial America centered around households. The yeoman household featured clearly delineated male and female roles, but the boundaries between these worlds were permeable -- men helped with women's work and visa versa. Yet, we are reminded in "Limits of Independence in the Colonial Economy." Despite the dignity assigned to the work done by women in the household, women's paths to craft skill via apprenticeship were blocked. Coverture ensured that women remained dependent upon male heads of household. Yet were a woman's husband to die, she could be left without the means to make a going affair of the property left behind. Widows who did not remarry quickly could find themselves destitute. Some of the first solutions tried included houses of industry where widows and children could labor at manufactures. In this early stage of history, another common practice was to give work to women (such as weaving) under the putting out system. When given a choice, Kessler-Harris argues, women would uniformly choose putting out to a house of industry.

The early national period was one in which the leaders of the new nation were facing conflicting needs, on the one hand they sought to improve the balance of trade to pay war debts and on the other they didn't want to sink to the low level of Britain's dark satanic mills. During the Revolution, women had been encouraged to produce "homespun" as a patriotic duty. Simple American clothes were a badge of honor for patriot men and women, contrasting with the luxury and finery of the enemy. After American independence was secured, the compromise reached stressed a balanced economy, in which the role of women would be (at least in part) to provide some of the labor in small paternalistic factory settings. Slater's Mills and the model they spread through the Blackstone Valley and beyond relied on the labor of women and children. Least the nation worry about the moral affects on women working in the mills, Slater continued the tradition of putting out thereby disturbing local mores as little as possible. Soon the Boston Associates were building a mill in Lowell that promised a more complete factory model still attended by the moral guidance that would prevent women from being degraded by the experience working for wages. Kessler-Harris reminds us that, as Thomas Dublin has shown, this experience also worked as a liberating experience for many of the farm girls from small town New Hampshire. The crush of time and work discipline pressed in on workers, but the rhetorical escape valve for much of the early years of industrialization was that this female wage labor represented a temporary stage in life. With wage earning women leaving the factory after short stays, going on to marry and raise children, it was possible to maintain the agrarian myth. At the same time, temporary work meant low status.

By Mid-Century "Industrial Wage Earners and the Domestic Ideology" would become two sides of the same coin. Though the putting out system persisted well beyond the American Civil War, the growth of manufactories in the early 19th C took placed increasing competition and mounting pressure for ever greater profits at the center of American economic and cultural life. Immigration from Western Europe, especially Ireland, accelerated in the 1840s exerting a downward pressure on wages accelerated apace. Native born women saw themselves as threatened by the Irish, displaying an understandable (if by our modern sensibilities repugnant) Nativism. The deskilling of labor also put men increasingly in competition with women for lower paid work. Men's reaction in this set of circumstances was to resist women's wage labor as competition by mid century. With tensions mounting the role of women in raising virtuous children, in maintaining as household as refuge from an increasingly competitive world of work, came to seem more accepted in the culture of laissez nous faire. Wage work for women became associated with immigrants and the poor. By the time of the Civil War, only the most desperate women sought wage labor.

In addressing "The Idea of Home and Mother at Work: The Civil War to World War I," Kessler-Harris echoes the words of one working woman, asking "Why Is It Can a Woman Not Be Virtuous If She Does Mingle With the Toilers?" After the Civil War men fought to maintain control of their workplaces. But women increasingly sought more than just better working conditions as well. Seeking to restore the dignity of wage labor for women, women launderers, seamstresses, umbrella makers (among many others) joined together in female unions that offered support to their members and conducted strikes to prevent wage cuts and increases in production quotas. Increasingly the lines of class divided women who needed to work from those ladies of the middle class who sought to reform the lives of working women by bringing them back to their primary roles as mothers. As Christine Stansell has pointed out, the female reform movements were inflected with the language of middle class moralism which recoiled from the working class ways of immigrant subcultures. Organizations like the New York Working Woman's Protective Union usurped the roles of indigenous female protest and reinforced cultural assumptions about women's home-bound and subordinate role. As the century drew to a close the emphasis turned to protective legislation that would ensure women's roles as future mothers.

In "Women's Choices in an Expanding Labor Market," Kessler-Harris reminds us of the explosive growth in the American economy after the Civil War and the diversity of women's lives that resulted from it. After Civil War, it was increasingly difficult to generalize about the conditions of "working women," as the wage earning population included an ever-widening diversity of workers - North, South and West. Though working women's lives defy facile generalizations, it can be said that the dual burden of home and wage work was not substantially eased by household technologies. As Ruth Cowan has shown, these more often than not meant "more work for mother." For the wives of workmen, such as those profiled by Susan Kleinberg in Pittsburgh, the daily burden of mere family survival made the luxury of increasing burdens of cake baking seem unreal. Women who sought wage labor outside the home in the later part of the 19th C were often influenced by their ethnicity in choice of work. Jews worked in ladies dress shops and shirt waist factories run by fellow Jews. Italians sought out work in the men's garment industry. Poles and Slavs worked in textiles in the North and South. In the West, they worked in meat packing. Domestic work was largely the preserve of the Irish, and no "Yankee girl" would be caught doing that kind of work. Added to these ethnic loyalties, social hierarchies of work also emerged. Girls preferred work in department stores, where they dressed well and enjoyed higher status than the factory girls, who were better paid and ate better but enjoyed less social status. Sliding down the scale we come next to waitresses (whose dealing directly with the public was unseemly) then black women who did the dirty work of laundresses and agricultural laborers. As women themselves made choices that lead to their accumulating in certain job roles, the "naturalness" of a category of "women's work" was reinforced.

"Technology, Efficiency, and Resistance" opens with a consideration of the attempts by employers to gain greater productivity from workers through technological improvements and concomitant reforms in management practice. She argues that Taylorism, scientific management in general, found that women (naturally more subservient) were more amenable to the discipline of industrial work. For a time, there seemed to be a liberating potential in scientific management, opening up the way to upward mobility through greater efficiency. Margery Davies study of typewriter use in office work is also to the point. Women were relegated to the work of typists because they were seen as better suited for this kind of rote work. The role of typist was stripped of the upward mobility was soon closed as male office managers assumed the leadership roles, while women were offered the more "appropriate" role of the private secretary, who acted as "office wife". In other ways, the strains of industrialized work soon took their toll on women's (as well as men's) health. The example of female telephone workers suffering from "telephone shock" is telling here. While efforts at protective legislation by progressives would seek to remedy these abuses, female organizing to protect themselves against exploitation was discouraged by the male leadership of the emergent AF of L, which sought a union of craft-based organizations that excluded the unskilled occupations of which women constituted a major part. Women's efforts at self-organization were only very grudgingly recognized by Samuel Gompers, who feared that women's success would lower men's wages. Employers offered the paternalism dispensed by new human resources organizations to distract them from organizing themselves. The emergent settlement movement represented an internally conflicted effort by "progressives" to both strengthen ties to the home through education at domestic tasks and to strengthen their ability to enter the workforce by providing kindergartens and places for unions. The settlement movement gave birth to the Women's Trade Union League (WUTL). The early 20th C also saw the emergence of female vocational education, which was both a liberating and a confining trend. It was liberating in that it allowed women (at times somewhat covertly) to gain skills for which they could get better pay. It was confining in that it made clear distinctions over what girls could be trained to do. This story, however, takes us into the 20th C. The story of "Protective Labor Legislation," as well, takes us into the 20th C, and as such will have to wait ...

Other Readings:

Dorothy Sue Cobble and Alice Kessler-Harris "The New Labor History in American History Textbooks" JAH 79:4 (Mar. 1993), 1534-45.
Leon Fink, "American Labor History," in Foner, ed., The New American History (1990), 233 250.

[Sharon Zelinski · Rating 3 out of 5]

This book is a very detailed history of the journey women have made through the years trying to raise a family and get paid a fair wage for their work. The author, Alice, outlines the struggles women had to endure through war times, plagues, industrial transitions and many other natural and social hardships.
Alice cites many sources and recounts the detailed events with personal letters written to friends and family, and documents town meeting minutes. Repeatedly the single and married women had to live with the laws that were created and enforced by men, the ruling gender.
Alice does a very impressive job of outlining the journey women have taken through the years of trying to raise a family and find work. Through this journey women were often put into the need for employment based on outside events, such as war. After the war, when the men returned the women would be forced out of their jobs. This is only one of many examples outlining the struggles women have faced throughout the years.
While evaluating this book I wanted to focus on three key criteria. One, did I learn something new while reading this book? There were many things I did not know before reading this book. The most shocking was learning that the children were put to work in other people’s homes, so they would not be idle. Also that the women formed groups to rally or protest against the conditions they were forced into by events which were out of their control.
Second, did Alice break down the important ideas into parts that can be understood? While reading I had difficulty in keeping the timeline straight as she seemed to stretch out the details in each chapter. I often felt a little lost in each era.
Finally, does Alice’s writing style make the information interesting? In the beginning, I enjoyed the detailed style of Alice’s writing, however as time went on it seemed more in-depth than I was curious about. Alice included an overwhelming amount of information that was not necessary to paint a clear picture of history.
In conclusion, I feel the author allowed herself to get to deep or to drawn out with the details and lose sight with the overall theme of the book. I found it difficult to follow and maintain enthusiasm while reading. Alice would take a small window of history and explain it in detail over multiple chapters. Due to this I found myself losing interest in her message which made this book hard to enjoy and a struggle to finish.

[Aisha Manus · Rating 3 out of 5]

While I appreciate the amount of work that had gone into this book and the amount of detail she had at times, her writing did not make this the most interesting of subjects at time. Did I learn a lot of interesting stuff? yes! Did I enjoy reading it? Nope! There are better women’s labor history books out there.

[Jaime Rispoli-Roberts · Rating 4 out of 5]

The scope of Alice Kessler-Harris’s book Out to Work: A History of Wage-Earning Women in the United States is quite large. It encompasses the period of time from the early settlements of seventeenth century America through the 1970s. A brief epilogue was added which covered wage women’s experiences up to the 21st century. Out to Work traces women wage worker’s experiences from a white, working-class perspective, and briefly touches on the experiences of different ethnicities, classes, and race. Kessler-Harris argues that women’s wage work evolved from women’s work in general, which had consequences not only on women’s self-perception, but also on the labor force. In addition, she argues that women faced a paradox of sorts, where on one hand, she was needed to work outside the home out of financial necessity(or patriotic duty during war time), which sustained the patriarchal family, at the same time, she was being blamed for family break -down. What she calls a tension between the idea that women had no higher calling than motherhood and being a wife, with the reality of their family’s need for income, and the labor force’s need of them. Kessler Harris traces the changing views society (including the women themselves) had on what women’s proper role was. She argues that changing views led to changing work habits, including what types of work in which a woman might participate. These views and even changing work habits, led to sex segregation in the work place: which jobs were considered male or female, e.g. Kessler-Harris discusses how women workers were exploited, especially in terms of wages which were always much lower than men’s.

Out to Work is a qualitative synthesis in which Alice Kessler-Harris makes use of many sources. She uses archival sources, such as census reports, information gathered by sociologists of the time, magazine and newspaper articles, as well as letters and journals of the women themselves. She has included many pictures of women working in places such as factories, sweat shops, and domestic labor. There is no bibliography, but she does make use of extensive footnotes. Also, she makes assumptions based on the frameworks and theories of other historians and those from other fields of study such as labor and women’s studies.

In Out to Work, Alice Kessler-Harris uses an inter-disciplinary approach, as she draws on history, labor studies, sociology and women’s studies to name a few. She investigates the progression of women’s labor, the underlying social causes, and the responses of the women impacted by them. She perceives the relationship between women and work as dynamic; the work they did adhered to certain traditional roles, while changing others. This idea is different from other studies, as scholars often assert it was one way or the other: they adhered to traditional roles or they changed traditional roles. Kessler-Harris goes into the most detail in her treatment of the Progressive Era, and here it is possible to see where her argument aligns with those of other scholars. Although she does not go into great detail about the theories, it is clear she assumes the validity of the concept of worker’s control, in relation to men, as presented in particular by David Montgomery and Harry Braverman. Kessler-Harris explains that through methods such as “…intimidation…exploitation…regulations and controls over personal behavior… and ultimately shifts in technology that vested all technical knowledge in the hands of the managerial class.”[1] This is important to her assertion that due to new technology and the need for specialized training, companies hired women because they could pay them less. Job structures continued to change throughout the end of the nineteenth century as employers (and society as a whole) realized that women’s labor force participation was a necessary evil. Women’s employment continued to be temporary, a stop on the way to marriage and women were not to expect advancement in industry (although the evidence shows that many women continued to work after marriage out of financial necessity).[2]

1.Alice Kessler-Harris, Out to Work: A History of Wage-Earning Women in the United States, (New York, 2003).145
2.Ibid., 179.

[Beth · Rating 3 out of 5]

Good, if a bit dated, overview of the history of working women in America. Covers the major issues for anyone needing a quick review.

[Vanessa Knox · Rating 3 out of 5]

Very informative book for women on wages and work history, which really doesn't account for African american women but we can learn from it so it does not repeat in this current day and time.