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Politics & Society in the Contemporary Middle East
This cutting-edge, and at the same time lively and accessible, examination of the domestic politics of the Middle East has been carefully designed to meet the needs of the university classroom.
Eight thematic chapters introduce the subject and explore the region-wide dynamics of governments and oppositions, international politics, political economy, civil society, religion and politics, identity politics, and gender and family issues. These themes are then systematically explored with regard to Algeria, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, the Palestinian Authority, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey, and the UAE.
The result is an insightful overview and analysis that both provides a wealth of information and encourages comparative, critical thinking by students at all levels.
Eight thematic chapters introduce the subject and explore the region-wide dynamics of governments and oppositions, international politics, political economy, civil society, religion and politics, identity politics, and gender and family issues. These themes are then systematically explored with regard to Algeria, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, the Palestinian Authority, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey, and the UAE.
The result is an insightful overview and analysis that both provides a wealth of information and encourages comparative, critical thinking by students at all levels.
550 pages, Paperback
First published August 28, 2010
3 people are currently reading
94 people want to read
About the author
Michele Penner Angrist
3 books2 followersMichele Penner Angrist is Associate Professor of Political Science at Union College in Schenectady, NY, where she teaches courses in international, comparative, and Middle East politics. She grew up primarily in North Africa and the Middle East and earned her PhD in Politics from Princeton University. Her research interests in general are democratization, regime change, and Middle East studies. She is author of Party Building in the Modern Middle East (University of Washington Press, 2006) and co‐editor of Authoritarianism in the Middle East: Regimes and Resistance (Lynne Rienner Press, 2005). Her articles have appeared in Comparative Politics, the Journal of North African Studies, and Comparative Studies in Society and History.
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Displaying 1 - 7 of 7 reviews
February 16, 2016
This is suggested reading for a course I'm taking this summer at Oxford ... an excellent overview.
July 5, 2025
Decided to read this as it’s the principal text used for one of my courses next year. It was a solid overview of political and social dynamics in the Middle East. I read it as a book which became quite repetitive as the chapters overlapped quite a lot, but once again it is meant as a classroom textbook so I can’t really complain.
Overall I enjoyed it, although I would say that the university really needs to update their reading list as this only covers up until 2010 and some of the most profound changes have taken place in the years since. But it was definitely interesting to read about the dynamics in the 2000s knowing that the Arab Spring is just around the corner. Good to read if you want to learn the foundations and have an insight into what pre-existing conditions contributed to the Arab Spring.
Overall I enjoyed it, although I would say that the university really needs to update their reading list as this only covers up until 2010 and some of the most profound changes have taken place in the years since. But it was definitely interesting to read about the dynamics in the 2000s knowing that the Arab Spring is just around the corner. Good to read if you want to learn the foundations and have an insight into what pre-existing conditions contributed to the Arab Spring.
December 10, 2018
Excellent review of Middle East politics from both a thematic and country-by-country standpoint. This edition was published after the 2011 Arab Uprisings (in 2013), which is helpful, but a more updated and recent version would be very useful given the significant events of the past five years (overthrow of Morsi regime, rise of ISIS, and continued deterioration in Syria and Libya). Also, some positive trends have been visible such as the increasing importance of moderate Islam, as championed by Morocco, and openings of gender reform in places like Saudi Arabia (although significant challenges and potential for backsliding remain). All in all this textbook provides a great primer for anyone wishing to better understand the most prominent trends and themes in the modern Middle East along with a sufficient amount of history about how it became what it is today.
May 10, 2016
POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN THE CONTEMPORARY MIDDLE EAST appears to be used as a textbook for college Middle Eastern courses. But nonacademic readers should not be put off by that. The book begins with a lengthy introduction about the history of politics in the Middle East. It then examines various influences: government, opposition, the international community, economy, religion, identity, and gender followed by a more in depth analysis of twelve countries ranging from Algeria to Iran. It includes helpful charts and maps about items as varied as civil rights, exports as percentage of GDP, wars, oil, languages and religions, and political parties.
The chapters I read were about Israel and Palestine.
Lukud came to power in 1977 following fifty years of a Labor Zionist government. In addition, a centrist party became part of the government. The change was caused by increased resurgence of ethnicity and nationalist thinking brought about the influx of citizens from Middle Eastern countries. They had lower incomes, comprised about half the electorate and were more strongly anti-Arab and hawkish than the Labor supporters had been They viewed the Labor party as a more privileged elite, saw socialism a more Western and alien and not tied to Jewish tradition. Very outspoken against transferring parts of newly taken areas to a Palestinian state. Before 1967 War, security was the most important axis of Israeli politics. Many conservatives and leftists changed sides when it came to security. Up until then, the religious parties neither were focused on religious issues, not on political ones. After Israel captured land during the Six Day War, the occupied territories, dominated their interests and the religious party became more hawkish. The Arabs demanded basic changes in political system but want to remain part of Israel. The Israelis from Arab countries were very outspoken against transferring parts of newly taken areas to a Palestinian state.
Under British Mandate following the defeat of the Ottomans, Britain was to foster development of the territory for self-government and promote development of Jewish national home and open territory to Jewish immigration. The majority of residents opposed the second part.
In 2006, certain that it would win reelection, Fatah called for new elections. The result was for the first time in Arab history a governing party had lost power through democratic means. Even though it lost the election, Fatah still controlled the presidency and staffed much of the government positions.
Unfortunately for the Palestinians, their political institutions were fragile and untested. In addition, Hamas, the winning party, was rejected internationally because it deliberately killed civilians and refuses to negotiate with Israel. As a result, West Bank and Gaza became two separate entities and instead of a democratic transition, it lead to a political breakdown with neither party seeming to know how to create a functional Palestinian state. They cannot control its own territory or borders or establish financial independence. They receive an enormous amount of international aid. Other Arab countries have failed to recognize Palestinian statehood nor have they done much, if anything, to help the Palestinian people. As a result, many Palestinians feel a deep sense of historical injustice.
They cannot pull off a successful “Arab Spring” uprising because there is not enough energy, organization, or focus compared to counterparts in other Arab states that resulted in change.
There has been what the author calls an increase in religious identity under Hamas. Dress has become more conservative; public consumption of alcohol has declined. He states that Christians, who live in urban areas, are more educated, have lower birthrates, and can find employment abroad, are seeing their population decreasing. Since the book came out, even more Christians are leaving as they and their institutions are being targeted by the Muslim population. The only country not seeing that drop in numbers is in Israel.
Author Michael Penner Angrist presents a good overview of the history of the countries that establishes a base for further study. For example, he mentions how the Palestinians feel a sense of historical injustice but doesn’t explain how the Palestinian leaders have taught them to blame it all on Israel and claim that if Israel and the Jews disappeared, their lives would be wonderful. In reality, the internecine battles and the corruption would still be there.
He also speaks of the relationship with the other Arab countries and how they haven’t recognized an independent Palestine. He doesn’t mention how none of the other Arab countries do not allow Palestinians to become citizens of their countries, even when their families had migrated from there before 1947. And he doesn’t mention how, thanks to UNWRA, the Palestinian people have been refugees for longer than any other people, dependent on foreign aid because they haven’t developed a viable economy.
The book is very well-organized and understandable and presents a very good introduction to the Middle East, what it is like and how it got to be that way . At some point, I would like to read this entire book, but for now I concentrated on just two chapters.
The chapters I read were about Israel and Palestine.
Lukud came to power in 1977 following fifty years of a Labor Zionist government. In addition, a centrist party became part of the government. The change was caused by increased resurgence of ethnicity and nationalist thinking brought about the influx of citizens from Middle Eastern countries. They had lower incomes, comprised about half the electorate and were more strongly anti-Arab and hawkish than the Labor supporters had been They viewed the Labor party as a more privileged elite, saw socialism a more Western and alien and not tied to Jewish tradition. Very outspoken against transferring parts of newly taken areas to a Palestinian state. Before 1967 War, security was the most important axis of Israeli politics. Many conservatives and leftists changed sides when it came to security. Up until then, the religious parties neither were focused on religious issues, not on political ones. After Israel captured land during the Six Day War, the occupied territories, dominated their interests and the religious party became more hawkish. The Arabs demanded basic changes in political system but want to remain part of Israel. The Israelis from Arab countries were very outspoken against transferring parts of newly taken areas to a Palestinian state.
Under British Mandate following the defeat of the Ottomans, Britain was to foster development of the territory for self-government and promote development of Jewish national home and open territory to Jewish immigration. The majority of residents opposed the second part.
In 2006, certain that it would win reelection, Fatah called for new elections. The result was for the first time in Arab history a governing party had lost power through democratic means. Even though it lost the election, Fatah still controlled the presidency and staffed much of the government positions.
Unfortunately for the Palestinians, their political institutions were fragile and untested. In addition, Hamas, the winning party, was rejected internationally because it deliberately killed civilians and refuses to negotiate with Israel. As a result, West Bank and Gaza became two separate entities and instead of a democratic transition, it lead to a political breakdown with neither party seeming to know how to create a functional Palestinian state. They cannot control its own territory or borders or establish financial independence. They receive an enormous amount of international aid. Other Arab countries have failed to recognize Palestinian statehood nor have they done much, if anything, to help the Palestinian people. As a result, many Palestinians feel a deep sense of historical injustice.
They cannot pull off a successful “Arab Spring” uprising because there is not enough energy, organization, or focus compared to counterparts in other Arab states that resulted in change.
There has been what the author calls an increase in religious identity under Hamas. Dress has become more conservative; public consumption of alcohol has declined. He states that Christians, who live in urban areas, are more educated, have lower birthrates, and can find employment abroad, are seeing their population decreasing. Since the book came out, even more Christians are leaving as they and their institutions are being targeted by the Muslim population. The only country not seeing that drop in numbers is in Israel.
Author Michael Penner Angrist presents a good overview of the history of the countries that establishes a base for further study. For example, he mentions how the Palestinians feel a sense of historical injustice but doesn’t explain how the Palestinian leaders have taught them to blame it all on Israel and claim that if Israel and the Jews disappeared, their lives would be wonderful. In reality, the internecine battles and the corruption would still be there.
He also speaks of the relationship with the other Arab countries and how they haven’t recognized an independent Palestine. He doesn’t mention how none of the other Arab countries do not allow Palestinians to become citizens of their countries, even when their families had migrated from there before 1947. And he doesn’t mention how, thanks to UNWRA, the Palestinian people have been refugees for longer than any other people, dependent on foreign aid because they haven’t developed a viable economy.
The book is very well-organized and understandable and presents a very good introduction to the Middle East, what it is like and how it got to be that way . At some point, I would like to read this entire book, but for now I concentrated on just two chapters.
May 4, 2017
An good explanation of politics and society in the Middle East
November 7, 2015
This is an excellent book if you want a survey of Middle East politics. The authors are very concise and the topics are excellent. I wish that they could have added Libya as among the countries studied.
May 29, 2011
I got this as a gift from a friend of mine. The book brings several theories about the dictator regimes in middle east and how they managed to survive for long time. Liking it already.
Displaying 1 - 7 of 7 reviews