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274 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2013
The psychologist Abigail Marsh and her colleagues find that psychopaths are markedly insensitive to the expression of fear. Normal people recognize fear and treat it as a distress cue, but psychopaths have problems seeing it, let alone responding to it appropriately. Marsh recounts an anecdote about a psychopath who was being tested with a series of pictures and who failed over and over again to recognize fearful expressions, until finally she figured it out: “That’s the look people get right before I stab them.”
While the origin of group differences takes us outside the sciences of the mind, the question of how we learn about these differences is bread-and-butter psychology, and the answer is simple: humans (and other creatures) are natural statisticians. The only way to cope with the present is by making generalizations based on the past. We learn from experience that chairs can be sat upon, that dogs bark, and that apples can be eaten. Of course, there are exceptions – fragile chairs, mute dogs, and poisonous apples – and it’s worth it to be on guard for such outliers. But life would be impossible if we weren’t constantly going with the odds; otherwise, we wouldn’t know what to do with a new chair, dog, or apple.
This research illustrates how we can be at war with ourselves. Part of a person might believe that race should play no role in hiring decisions (or even that racial minorities should get an advantage), while another part guides a person against choosing a black person. This tension can reflect a moral struggle; one’s explicit view about what’s right clashes with one’s gut feeling.
But we shouldn’t be too smug about our moral powers. I read every day about the suffering of strangers in faraway lands, and I know I can improve their lives, but I rarely make the effort. When I am in a big city, I often find myself in the position of the Good Samaritan in the tale from the Gospels, passing someone slumped on the side of a road, probably sick, hungry, plainly in need of assistance. If the person were my kin – I would rush over to help; if he or she were in my in-group – my neighbor, a colleague from my university, someone I play poker with – I would also help. But it’s always a stranger, so I usually turn away and keep walking. Most likely, you do the same.
It turns out instead that the right theory of our moral lives has two parts. It starts with what we are born with, and this is surprisingly rich: babies are moral animals, equipped by evolution with empathy and compassion, the capacity to judge the actions of others, and even some rudimentary understanding of justice and fairness. But we are more than just babies. A critical part of our morality – so much of what makes us human – emerges over the course of human history and individual development. It is the product of our compassion, our imagination, and our magnificent capacity for reason.
Even moral philosophers don't agree about what morality really is, and many non philosophers don't like to use the word at all. When I tell people what this book is about, more than one has responded with "I don’t believe in morality." Someone once told me—and I'm not sure that she was joking—that morality is nothing more than rules about whom you can and can't have sex with.Just Babies grapples with the nature versus nurture question but presents lots of proof favoring nature's role.
Children are sensitive to inequity, then, but it seems to upset them only when they themselves are the ones getting less [...] The psychologists Peter Blake and Katherine McAuliffe paired up four- and eight-year-olds who had never met, placing them in front of a special apparatus that was set up to distribute two trays of candy. One of the children had access to a lever that gave her the choice either to tilt both trays toward the children (so that each got whatever amount of candy was on the nearest tray) or to dump both trays (so that nobody got any candy.)Just Babies is well-organized and written in clear, straightforward language ideal for the everyday reader; Bloom didn't use any specialized science or psychology jargon, so a background in these fields isn't necessary to understand the book. The writing, however, could be better. Certain word choices are jarring and detract from Just Babies's otherwise scholarly tone. The use of "pissed" is one such example:
When there was an equal amount of candy in each tray, the children almost never dumped. They also almost never dumped when the distribution favored themselves—say, four candies on their tray, and one candy on the other child’s tray—though some of the eight-year-olds did reject this choice. But when this distribution was reversed to favor the other child, children at every age group frequently chose to dump both trays. They would rather get nothing than have another child, a stranger, get more than them.
The researchers find that the dog offered a lesser treat will sometimes act, well, pissed, and refuse it.Along the same lines:
And so, while there might remain some stalwart contributors, the situation gradually goes to hell.Fortunately the book's strengths—its biggest being that it effectively backs up each of its many claims with compelling experimental evidence—outweigh weaknesses. Bloom took care to convince, leaving little room for doubt or dismissal.
Such reflexive displays of guilt were replaced with explicit acts of moral self-justification as the children got older: the two-year-olds in the study attempted to “motivate the disobedience, for example, by claiming the toy as their own.
Disgust is a powerful force for evil. If you want to exterminate or marginalize a group, this is the emotion to elicit (p.131).
When the moral circle contracts, perhaps because of war or some other external threat, people “tend to find a scriptural basis for intolerance or belligerence.” When it expands, “they’re more likely to find the tolerant and understanding side of their scriptures.” Believing that scripture itself causes these changes is like concluding that newspaper headlines cause plane crashes (p.205).
1) You are standing on a bridge over a railroad track, a train is approaching, and you see a villain has tied ten people to a track. You can save them by switching the train to another track, but if you throw the switch, you kill another person the villain had tied to that track. Would you pull the switch?
2) You are standing on a bridge over a railroad track, a train is approaching, and you see a villain has tied ten people to a track. You can save them by pushing a fat man standing next to you onto the track below to slow the train, killing him. You are too light to accomplish this. Would you push the man to his death?
“Moral deliberation is ubiquitous, but psychologist typically overlook it. This is, in part, because everybody loves counterintuitive findings. Discovering that individuals have moral intuitions that they struggle to explain is exciting and can get published in a top journal. Discovering that individuals have moral intuitions that they can easily explain, such as the wrongness of drunk driving, is obvious, uninteresting, and unpublishable. It is fascinating to discover that individuals who are asked to assign a punishment to a criminal are influenced by factors that they are unaware of, like the presence of the flag in the room, or that they would consciously disavow, like the color of the criminal’s skin. It is boring to find that individuals proposed punishments are influenced by rational considerations, such as the severity of the crime and the criminal’s previous record. Interesting.”