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Mitterrand: A Study in Ambiguity
Aesthete, sensualist, bookworm, politician of Machiavellian François Mitterrand was a man of exceptional gifts and exceptional flaws who, during his fourteen years as President, strove to drag his tradition-bound and change-averse country into the modern world.As a statesman and as a human being, he was the incarnation of the mercurial, contrarian France which Britain and America find so perennially frustrating. He embodied the ambiguities and the contradictions of a nation whose modern identity is founded on a stubborn refusal to fit into the Anglo-American scheme of things. Yet he changed France more profoundly than any of his recent predecessors, arguably including even his great rival, Charles de Gaulle.During the war he was both the leader of a resistance movement and decorated for services to the collaborationist regime in Vichy. After flirting with the far Right, he entered parliament with the backing of conservatives and the Catholic Church before becoming the undisputed leader of the Left. As President he brought the French Communists into the government the better to destroy them. And all the while he managed to find time for an extraordinarily complicated private life.This is a human as much as a political biography, and a captivating portrait of a life that mirrored Mitterrand’s times.
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First published November 14, 2013
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About the author
Philip Short
16 books108 followersPhilip Short is a British journalist and author specializing in biographies of historical dictators, he studied at Cambridge University, he worked as a journalist for the BBC for 25 years as a foreign correspondent(1972-97), a job that allowed him to travel widely and experience wildly different cultures, it would prove a great learning experience that still benefits him as an author.
After his work for the BBC, he taught journalism in the University of Iowa, in the US. He now resides in Provence, USA, with his wife and son.
After his work for the BBC, he taught journalism in the University of Iowa, in the US. He now resides in Provence, USA, with his wife and son.
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February 13, 2017
A Taste for Intrigue, by Philip Short, is a close examination of the life of Francois Mitterand, a long time French politician who was elected President of France in 1981. Mitterand is often seen as a Machiavellian figure, running a Socialist Party while maintaining close relations and ideological ties to the Right. He was a figure who would be steeped in Socialist rhetoric at one moment, while promoting French austerity the next. He ushered in a 35 work week for France, raised minimum wages, increased workable benefits for employees and sought closer detente between the West and the Soviet Union, while maintaining close relations with the Americans (this at a time with Thatcher in the UK, and Reagan in Washington), all of which scored him many points. On the other hand, his history as a bureaucrat for the Vichy Regime in France, his deep political beef with Charles De Gualle, hist ties to the defunct Fourth Republic, and his seemingly Machiavellian pursuit of power, were issues that soured his appeal to French voters.
The book examines his upbringing as a boy in a large family tied to the vinegar industry in rural France. Born in 1916, his family was wealthy, and devoutly Catholic, but supported Centrist elements over the rising tide of Nationalist parties in France at this time. He grew up with little interest in politics at first, and spent much of his time buried in books. He made a close group of friends throughout his years in school, and was eventually drafted into the military on the eve of WWII. He was captured by Germans after fleeing the front, as the Germans conquered France in a lightening Blitzkrieg, and spent much time as a POW, where his Socialist education began. In the camps, he was no longer a rich boy, but one among equals, and power usually went to the most respected figure in the camp. Mitterrand, however, was charismatic, kind, and guarded, and easily made friends and became part of the internal POW governance structure. He attempted to escape three times, finally succeeding and fleeing back to Vichy France, then nominally independent.
Vichy France is today seen widely as a collaborationist regime, but at the time many French citizens viewed Vichy and Petain as the "Shield" of the home front to De Gualle's "Sword." Many forget that both De Gualle and Petain shared a Right-Nationalist political stance, alth0ugh the aging Petain was more aligned to the Nazi's, while De Gualle sought a French nationalism. Mitterrand found work through the Vichy Regime through his network of friends, and eventually became a bureaucrat in a ministry dedicated to helping returning French POW's. Mitterrand at first moved between his respect for Petain, as someone "doing what they had to do," and his dislike of foreign occupation. Mitterrand seemingly had few issues with authoritarian government, but eventually moved into resistance cells while keeping his position in the Vichy regime. He began to mobilize former POW's into resistance cells, but was concerned more with busting out fellow prisoners within Germany, and disrupting forced labour, than with assisting De Gualle or instigating violence. However, as Germany began its retreat, and France began to rise up, Mitterrand and the POW's joined De Gualle in an uneasy coalition to take Paris. This was important both to De Gualle and Mitterrand, as US forces taking Paris would weaken French positions in a post-war settlement, and ingratiate them to the United States - both not ideal to a France that was fiercely independent, and just escaping years of occupation.
Mitterrand was not a fan of De Gualle's subordinates, and had falling outs with both De Gualle's nephew, and other political figures in his resistance movement. Mitterrand had also been moving toward a more socialist political viewpoint, and had closer ties to France's popular Communist Party. After Germany's retreat, Mitterrand was able to secure a Ministerial position in the post-occupation regime, with De Gualle at the helm. He dealt primarily with former POW's, and those still waiting to be repatriated from Germany. He began to take to his socialist ideals, turning more and more to France's confusing network of left wing political parties. He organized labour strikes to demand better pensions for returning POW's, promoted greater pensions for war widows, and the collection of funds from West Germany owed to those who had worked (forced or Vichy) for the German government during WWII and afterwards.
Politics in France, however, is complex. Mitterrand had been one of the youngest Ministers appointed since Napoleon's reign, and he was closely associated with France's post war Fourth Republic. He soon took on portfolios as Minister of Overseas Territories (mostly Western Africa), and began to sympathize with French MP's from independence minded parties from France's African colonies. This sympathy was exploited fully by his opponents, and he was cast out of favour, eventually joining the French Socialist Party, then a fragmented party with few seats. He was able to quickly and effectively take control of the party through political maneuvers that saw the ousting of his rivals, although bad blood remained between Mitterrand, the French Communists, and many of the old guard Socialists.
The Fourth Republic collapsed in 1958 when Charles De Gualle, then having been retired for a decade or more, took power in a quasi-coup to address pressing concerns in France. The nation had been beset by violence and terrorism as its colonies in Indochina and North Africa were granted independence after bouts of violence (in Tunisia and Morocco), or full fledged war as in Indochina. France eventually granted independence to these entities, but its sticking point was Algeria. Algeria was considered an integral department of France, no different than Normandy or the Ile de France itself, and with over a million French settlers living in Algeria, France decided to dig its heels. The Algerian population as a whole, made up mostly of Arabs and Berbers, was treated very poorly by the French administration, and French settlers (Pieds-Noirs), were violently opposed to giving up their claims, some almost a century old. Violence between these communities entrenched hatred, and led to horrific violence and reprisals as Algerian revolutionary groups fought French settler militias, and both sides resorted to terrorism, torture, and ethnic cleansing. French soldiers fresh out of Indochina were called in, but resorted to even more brutal repression, as they sided with the locals.
Matters began to come to a head as members of Frances government were targeted for assassination (Mitterrand included, for his more sympathetic view of independence). However, Mitterrand was granted a portfolio as Minster of the Interior at this time, and was in charge of security operations in Algeria and France. He turned a blind eye to torture and extra-judicial killings, as his government began to take a hardliner stance on Algeria. Even that, however, was not enough, and eventually French Pieds-Noirs and military units began to plan a coup d'etat to overthrow the French Republic and install De Gualle as an emergency leader. Although the coup did not succeed as planned, the Republic collapsed anyway, and De Gualle was brought in to institute reform in 1958. De Gaulle seemed to side with the hardliners at first, but after four years of brutal terrorist attacks, despicable violence in Algeria, and increasing international pressure, France relinquished her colony, and began the process of decolonizing Africa as a whole.
Mitterrand quickly fell out with De Gaulle, and spent the next decade or so attacking his leadership as authoritarian, slowly gaining traction with the Socialists and the French public, even though his leadership credentials had been tainted by his close association with France's colonialist policies. He spent his time before coming to power trying to unite the left against De Gualle's Right-bloc, and began to succeed by creating a Left-Socialist coalition, and purging the anti-communist elements from his party. This allowed him to gain the reluctant support of the communists, and slowly drain away their political support to form the Socialist party into the true Left-bloc.
Mitterrand finally attained power in 1981, after decades in the French government, and after his career fluctuated from highs to lows through his association with Vichy, De Gaulle's Algerian hardliners, anti-colonial elements, and communists. France's politics are immensely complex, so the details of this can be left to Short's analysis. Suffice to say, his attainment of power was the first Leftist government to be elected in France for many decades. Thousands poured into the streets to celebrate, even as many supporters of the Right feared a Soviet plot. This was not to be the case. Although beginning his term in office adapting old-school Marxist slogans and promoting antiquated socialist techniques, the reality of the world hit him hard.
Mitterrand took power in a time of global retrenchment, when interest rates were failing, inflation was high, and the United States grappled with an ailing USSR, with Europe stuck in the middle. Mitterrand began to move toward more austerity-style measures to ensure the stability of the French economy, while trying to boost his popularity by reducing working hours, increasing benefits, promoting employment, and lowering taxes. This, the classic Conservative tactic of trying to increase popularity through ones pocketbook. Mitterrand the realist had finally won over Mitterrand the socialist.
Mitterrand ruled until 1995. During his time in office, he dealt with a wide range of issues. He brought France closer to the European Community and eventually the European Union. He made common cause with West Germany, taking a stance against US attempts to increase their sway over European governments (Star Wars, American withdrawal from the European theatre, NATO, etc.). He also reached out to the USSR, which was audibly cracking in the mid-1980's. All this while still maintaining strong, if rocky, relations with Thatcher and Reagan's administrations. France at this time was rocked by terrorist attacks by Palestinian terrorists, and Iranian backed militias as well, as Mitterrand sought friendly relations with Israel, while also supporting moderate PLO militias over extremist groups. The French economy struggled to modernize under his reign, as he looked to move France away from the authoritarian centrism of his youth, and into an era with global trade and multi-lateral economic policy, both ideals he naturally rejected.
Mitterrand, after all this, was a realist. It showed in his dual family situation, where he was married to his public wife, Danielle (they were both unfaithful to the core, but stayed together), while supporting his secret mistress, Anne Pingeot and child. He had numerous affairs throughout his life. He had close relations with his wife's lover, ran two families simultaneously, and led a genuinely complex familial life. His style of politics was all about the attainment of power. He switched political masks frequently throughout his life, and was able to successfully evolve with the times, through fascist occupation, Fourth Republic instability, and the complex coalitions and evolving global conditions of the Fifth Republic. He did all this while suffering from prostate cancer, and died a year after leaving office in 1995.
Mitterrand is a fascinating character, and an adept and realistic politician. Although controversial (the Rainbow Warrior bombing, for example), his time in office was marked by his charisma, his ability to make friends and build bridges, shown in his uniting the fractious left, balancing US and USSR relations, and just by staying involved in politics in France's complex governance structure.
Short has done a wonderful job writing a biography of a political figure that irreversibly changed France's political landscape. My long review can attest to the fascinating topics covered with in, barely scratched even in the paragraphs above. This is interesting history, spanning a period of time ranging from WWII, to the collapse of the USSR, all taken from the perspective of France, still a dominant force in international politics. Mitterrand's life has been well laid out, his nuances, conflictions and actions recorded in detail, and the effect of his life on France and the world as a whole analyzed in depth. This is a well written, well researched, and very interesting biography, and it is easily recommended for those looking to learn more about history from a French perspective.
The book examines his upbringing as a boy in a large family tied to the vinegar industry in rural France. Born in 1916, his family was wealthy, and devoutly Catholic, but supported Centrist elements over the rising tide of Nationalist parties in France at this time. He grew up with little interest in politics at first, and spent much of his time buried in books. He made a close group of friends throughout his years in school, and was eventually drafted into the military on the eve of WWII. He was captured by Germans after fleeing the front, as the Germans conquered France in a lightening Blitzkrieg, and spent much time as a POW, where his Socialist education began. In the camps, he was no longer a rich boy, but one among equals, and power usually went to the most respected figure in the camp. Mitterrand, however, was charismatic, kind, and guarded, and easily made friends and became part of the internal POW governance structure. He attempted to escape three times, finally succeeding and fleeing back to Vichy France, then nominally independent.
Vichy France is today seen widely as a collaborationist regime, but at the time many French citizens viewed Vichy and Petain as the "Shield" of the home front to De Gualle's "Sword." Many forget that both De Gualle and Petain shared a Right-Nationalist political stance, alth0ugh the aging Petain was more aligned to the Nazi's, while De Gualle sought a French nationalism. Mitterrand found work through the Vichy Regime through his network of friends, and eventually became a bureaucrat in a ministry dedicated to helping returning French POW's. Mitterrand at first moved between his respect for Petain, as someone "doing what they had to do," and his dislike of foreign occupation. Mitterrand seemingly had few issues with authoritarian government, but eventually moved into resistance cells while keeping his position in the Vichy regime. He began to mobilize former POW's into resistance cells, but was concerned more with busting out fellow prisoners within Germany, and disrupting forced labour, than with assisting De Gualle or instigating violence. However, as Germany began its retreat, and France began to rise up, Mitterrand and the POW's joined De Gualle in an uneasy coalition to take Paris. This was important both to De Gualle and Mitterrand, as US forces taking Paris would weaken French positions in a post-war settlement, and ingratiate them to the United States - both not ideal to a France that was fiercely independent, and just escaping years of occupation.
Mitterrand was not a fan of De Gualle's subordinates, and had falling outs with both De Gualle's nephew, and other political figures in his resistance movement. Mitterrand had also been moving toward a more socialist political viewpoint, and had closer ties to France's popular Communist Party. After Germany's retreat, Mitterrand was able to secure a Ministerial position in the post-occupation regime, with De Gualle at the helm. He dealt primarily with former POW's, and those still waiting to be repatriated from Germany. He began to take to his socialist ideals, turning more and more to France's confusing network of left wing political parties. He organized labour strikes to demand better pensions for returning POW's, promoted greater pensions for war widows, and the collection of funds from West Germany owed to those who had worked (forced or Vichy) for the German government during WWII and afterwards.
Politics in France, however, is complex. Mitterrand had been one of the youngest Ministers appointed since Napoleon's reign, and he was closely associated with France's post war Fourth Republic. He soon took on portfolios as Minister of Overseas Territories (mostly Western Africa), and began to sympathize with French MP's from independence minded parties from France's African colonies. This sympathy was exploited fully by his opponents, and he was cast out of favour, eventually joining the French Socialist Party, then a fragmented party with few seats. He was able to quickly and effectively take control of the party through political maneuvers that saw the ousting of his rivals, although bad blood remained between Mitterrand, the French Communists, and many of the old guard Socialists.
The Fourth Republic collapsed in 1958 when Charles De Gualle, then having been retired for a decade or more, took power in a quasi-coup to address pressing concerns in France. The nation had been beset by violence and terrorism as its colonies in Indochina and North Africa were granted independence after bouts of violence (in Tunisia and Morocco), or full fledged war as in Indochina. France eventually granted independence to these entities, but its sticking point was Algeria. Algeria was considered an integral department of France, no different than Normandy or the Ile de France itself, and with over a million French settlers living in Algeria, France decided to dig its heels. The Algerian population as a whole, made up mostly of Arabs and Berbers, was treated very poorly by the French administration, and French settlers (Pieds-Noirs), were violently opposed to giving up their claims, some almost a century old. Violence between these communities entrenched hatred, and led to horrific violence and reprisals as Algerian revolutionary groups fought French settler militias, and both sides resorted to terrorism, torture, and ethnic cleansing. French soldiers fresh out of Indochina were called in, but resorted to even more brutal repression, as they sided with the locals.
Matters began to come to a head as members of Frances government were targeted for assassination (Mitterrand included, for his more sympathetic view of independence). However, Mitterrand was granted a portfolio as Minster of the Interior at this time, and was in charge of security operations in Algeria and France. He turned a blind eye to torture and extra-judicial killings, as his government began to take a hardliner stance on Algeria. Even that, however, was not enough, and eventually French Pieds-Noirs and military units began to plan a coup d'etat to overthrow the French Republic and install De Gualle as an emergency leader. Although the coup did not succeed as planned, the Republic collapsed anyway, and De Gualle was brought in to institute reform in 1958. De Gaulle seemed to side with the hardliners at first, but after four years of brutal terrorist attacks, despicable violence in Algeria, and increasing international pressure, France relinquished her colony, and began the process of decolonizing Africa as a whole.
Mitterrand quickly fell out with De Gaulle, and spent the next decade or so attacking his leadership as authoritarian, slowly gaining traction with the Socialists and the French public, even though his leadership credentials had been tainted by his close association with France's colonialist policies. He spent his time before coming to power trying to unite the left against De Gualle's Right-bloc, and began to succeed by creating a Left-Socialist coalition, and purging the anti-communist elements from his party. This allowed him to gain the reluctant support of the communists, and slowly drain away their political support to form the Socialist party into the true Left-bloc.
Mitterrand finally attained power in 1981, after decades in the French government, and after his career fluctuated from highs to lows through his association with Vichy, De Gaulle's Algerian hardliners, anti-colonial elements, and communists. France's politics are immensely complex, so the details of this can be left to Short's analysis. Suffice to say, his attainment of power was the first Leftist government to be elected in France for many decades. Thousands poured into the streets to celebrate, even as many supporters of the Right feared a Soviet plot. This was not to be the case. Although beginning his term in office adapting old-school Marxist slogans and promoting antiquated socialist techniques, the reality of the world hit him hard.
Mitterrand took power in a time of global retrenchment, when interest rates were failing, inflation was high, and the United States grappled with an ailing USSR, with Europe stuck in the middle. Mitterrand began to move toward more austerity-style measures to ensure the stability of the French economy, while trying to boost his popularity by reducing working hours, increasing benefits, promoting employment, and lowering taxes. This, the classic Conservative tactic of trying to increase popularity through ones pocketbook. Mitterrand the realist had finally won over Mitterrand the socialist.
Mitterrand ruled until 1995. During his time in office, he dealt with a wide range of issues. He brought France closer to the European Community and eventually the European Union. He made common cause with West Germany, taking a stance against US attempts to increase their sway over European governments (Star Wars, American withdrawal from the European theatre, NATO, etc.). He also reached out to the USSR, which was audibly cracking in the mid-1980's. All this while still maintaining strong, if rocky, relations with Thatcher and Reagan's administrations. France at this time was rocked by terrorist attacks by Palestinian terrorists, and Iranian backed militias as well, as Mitterrand sought friendly relations with Israel, while also supporting moderate PLO militias over extremist groups. The French economy struggled to modernize under his reign, as he looked to move France away from the authoritarian centrism of his youth, and into an era with global trade and multi-lateral economic policy, both ideals he naturally rejected.
Mitterrand, after all this, was a realist. It showed in his dual family situation, where he was married to his public wife, Danielle (they were both unfaithful to the core, but stayed together), while supporting his secret mistress, Anne Pingeot and child. He had numerous affairs throughout his life. He had close relations with his wife's lover, ran two families simultaneously, and led a genuinely complex familial life. His style of politics was all about the attainment of power. He switched political masks frequently throughout his life, and was able to successfully evolve with the times, through fascist occupation, Fourth Republic instability, and the complex coalitions and evolving global conditions of the Fifth Republic. He did all this while suffering from prostate cancer, and died a year after leaving office in 1995.
Mitterrand is a fascinating character, and an adept and realistic politician. Although controversial (the Rainbow Warrior bombing, for example), his time in office was marked by his charisma, his ability to make friends and build bridges, shown in his uniting the fractious left, balancing US and USSR relations, and just by staying involved in politics in France's complex governance structure.
Short has done a wonderful job writing a biography of a political figure that irreversibly changed France's political landscape. My long review can attest to the fascinating topics covered with in, barely scratched even in the paragraphs above. This is interesting history, spanning a period of time ranging from WWII, to the collapse of the USSR, all taken from the perspective of France, still a dominant force in international politics. Mitterrand's life has been well laid out, his nuances, conflictions and actions recorded in detail, and the effect of his life on France and the world as a whole analyzed in depth. This is a well written, well researched, and very interesting biography, and it is easily recommended for those looking to learn more about history from a French perspective.
October 26, 2018
From BBC radio 4 - Book of the Week:
'Other nations have scandals. The French have affairs.' And Francois Mitterrand was no exception.
Former BBC foreign correspondent Philip Short has written a compelling biography of the French leader who was famous for his ambiguity.
Henry Goodman reads the fascinating story, starting with the infamous 'Observatory Affair', which nearly finished Mitterrand's political career.
Abridged and produced by Jane Marshall
A Jane Marshall production for BBC Radio 4.
https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b03j...
'Other nations have scandals. The French have affairs.' And Francois Mitterrand was no exception.
Former BBC foreign correspondent Philip Short has written a compelling biography of the French leader who was famous for his ambiguity.
Henry Goodman reads the fascinating story, starting with the infamous 'Observatory Affair', which nearly finished Mitterrand's political career.
Abridged and produced by Jane Marshall
A Jane Marshall production for BBC Radio 4.
https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b03j...
March 6, 2014
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
September 25, 2021
A fabulous biography of a great French President. Mr. Short tells the tragedies and triumphs of Mr. Mitterrand and what he did to bring France into the 21st Century, especially with the rise of conservatism in the 1980's. The way in which he used to get to power and stay there for 14 years is an amazing story, but we learn that it was formed throughout his life, from his escape from Germany to the way he consolidated the French left to make them electable and respectable, makes me realize that he was a unique person for sure. Lovely biography, great story. Would highly recommend.
February 25, 2014
This book was given to me as a First Read on Goodreads. I have to admit I know little of French history and modern French politics. I am a regular reader of the NYT and The Washington Post so I knew of Mitterrand and French politics when he was elected to the presidency in the 1980s, but my knowledge was very shallow. I feel I still need more information but this was a big start. The most interesting part of the book was the beginning when Mitterrand is a soldier taken prisoner like most French soldiers at the beginning of WWII. The Germans were able to conquer most of France in 17 days and kept the French soldiers from rebelling under sparsely guarded situations by convincing them the war would be over shortly in a few days and they need only to wait. Before they knew it, the French soldiers were deported to Germany and used as labor while Germans were used as soldiers. Mitterrand was able to escape twice, the second time successfully and then find a way to support Vichy France then switch sides when he was able to Free France and Charles De Gaulle. Later he was able to support the Fourth Republic and witnessed its demise in 1958. For years during the 60s and 70s, Mitterrand was isolated as part of the Socialist Party and accused of being a member of the Communist Party. Still in a free election of the electorate, Mitterrand was elected president in a time period when President Reagan and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher were conservatives. Financial crisis in the 80s caused problems but France fared better than the US and Britain and faced less unemployment. Mitterrand was basically popular but faced cancer secretly and in later elections Jaques Chirac became Prime Minister, leader of a right wing party. Mitterrand seemed able to handle them all. Foreign Affairs that Mitterrand was involved in included the revolt of Northern Africa, especially Algeria, the Indochinese War, the Gulf War, the fall of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and the reunification of Germany. A huge dilemma still is Mitterrand's response to Rwanda where the French sent in troops, supposedly to protect its citizens, but the French government constantly claimed to protect the Hutus and provided money and aid to them long after it was apparent the Hutus were the murderers. The support of the French government and the set up of refugee camps for Hutus in Zaire allowed prolonged problems in Rwanda and the fall of Zaire. Mitterrand was revealed late in life to have two families. He arranged to be buried alone at the family mausoleum and not with his wife. He had 3 sons with her and 1 daughter with his mistress. The press kept quiet about them until long into his second term. I found the book insightful but the last half is full of tidbits of government information and not intriguing as the title would suggest. Still I was glad to have read this book.
May 27, 2014
Where to start! Well the beginning would be a good place! A masterpiece and simply the best political biography I have ever read. Superbly written bringing out the mystique of the man and his endless machinations throughout his life. Also learnt a lot especially that far from being a devoted Vichyite he was as usual much more nuanced and very much a resistant to the extent de Gaulle preferred him to his nephew to head a cell in France. A very balanced and fair account doesn't hide his less attractive side and the endless scrapes he got into it is extraordinary how he still rose to the top. Some wonderful bon mots by his viperish tongue and bizarrely affection for Thatcher on a personal level he remarked about when she spoke French 'If you close your eyes you cd think you were listening to Jane Birkin' or 'she had the eyes of Caligula and the lips of Marilyn Monroe'. A remarkable account which also illustrates vividly the chaotic politics of pre and post war France, brings to life both the loss of the colonies and the character of De Gaulle himself. Perhaps the best quote about Mitterrand is delivered when he finally assumes power within the Radical party by the man he replaced 'you wouldn't wish to go hunting on your own with M Mitterrand.'
One learns also about how he hid his illness from the early days of his presidency and lived with his mistress and mother of his child in a grace and favour apartment and not his long suffering wife Danielle and of many dubious friendships including with Rene Bousquet, the head of the police during the Occupation and who ordered the rounding up and deportation of the Jews, and his answer was 'there is no black and white there is only grey'.....not to everyone's taste but perfect for him. A wonderful read. I read it in two tranches not because it is heavy going but just to give the first half of his life time to settle.
One learns also about how he hid his illness from the early days of his presidency and lived with his mistress and mother of his child in a grace and favour apartment and not his long suffering wife Danielle and of many dubious friendships including with Rene Bousquet, the head of the police during the Occupation and who ordered the rounding up and deportation of the Jews, and his answer was 'there is no black and white there is only grey'.....not to everyone's taste but perfect for him. A wonderful read. I read it in two tranches not because it is heavy going but just to give the first half of his life time to settle.
March 31, 2014
Per FTC regulations: I received this book as a Goodreads First Reads giveaway.
I think the best part of biographies is that you are treated to a life from beginning to end, or at least that's true in the biographies I've read and enjoyed. And, this was no exception. Francois Mitterrand was President of France for my entire school life and the only thing I really knew about him was how to pronounce his name. I'm not sure if this was an oversight or a failing of my school career, but the man and his amazingly complicated and delicate life should certainly have been a larger part of my understanding of global policy for a variety of reasons. I devoured this book, each chapter leading me deeper into French politics from World War II to the end of the Cold War. A calculating individual who led a complicated and secretive existence, Mitterrand is the sort of politician you've come to expect, and still, one you would certainly vote for again. The fact that he was Socialist makes me all the happier, but I recommend this book to anyone who is interested in history or foreign policy. Also, I think this might be the first book I've finished before it was actually published. It's supposed to be out next month, April 2014...look for it soon!
I think the best part of biographies is that you are treated to a life from beginning to end, or at least that's true in the biographies I've read and enjoyed. And, this was no exception. Francois Mitterrand was President of France for my entire school life and the only thing I really knew about him was how to pronounce his name. I'm not sure if this was an oversight or a failing of my school career, but the man and his amazingly complicated and delicate life should certainly have been a larger part of my understanding of global policy for a variety of reasons. I devoured this book, each chapter leading me deeper into French politics from World War II to the end of the Cold War. A calculating individual who led a complicated and secretive existence, Mitterrand is the sort of politician you've come to expect, and still, one you would certainly vote for again. The fact that he was Socialist makes me all the happier, but I recommend this book to anyone who is interested in history or foreign policy. Also, I think this might be the first book I've finished before it was actually published. It's supposed to be out next month, April 2014...look for it soon!
November 2, 2022
Olin kirjoittamassa pidempää merkintää, tai näin luulin aloittaessani lukemisen. Kirjoittelin jokaisen luvun jälkeen muutaman virkkeen ylös. Mutta pian huomasin, että kappaleet alkoivat olemaan niin pitkiä ja tiivistäminen muutamalla virkkeellä mahdotonta, joten jätin homman. Selitys on varsin luonnollinen: aina toiseen maailmansotaan asti FM ei erottunut juurikaan joukosta. Mitä nyt jätti menemättä upseerikurssille, kun ei päässyt haluamaansa paikkaan. Tästä johtuen hän palveli miehistössä ja aliupseeristossa toisen maailmansodan aikana, kunnes jäi kiinni.
Vankila-ajasta oikeastaan alkaa FM:n nousu. Hän yritti paeta vankeudesta kolme kertaa, kunnes viimein onnistui. Ensimmäisellä kerralla hän oli taivaltanut jo lähes 300 mailia, kunnes jäi kiinni n. 20 mailia rajalta. Se on varmasti hatuttanut.
Vankilassa ja osin jo armeijassa FM huomasi, miten hänen oma taustaryhmänsä, yläluokka, sivistyneistö ja muut johtamaan tottuneet, eivät oikeastaan olleet sen kummempia ihmisiä, jopa huonompia kuin työväki tai ns johdettavat. FM myös sai vankila-ajasta hyvän ponnahduslaudan politiikkaan, kun hän alkoi ajamaan vankien asiaa, ensin maailmansodan aikana ja myös sen jälkeen. Ranskalaista asevelisosialismia.
Mutta FM ei kyllä ollut elämänsä alussa sosialisti, eikä sodan aika tai heti sen jälkeenkään. Sodan aikanahan hän toimi samaan aikaan sekä Vichyn hallinnossa että vastarintaliikkeessä. Hän johti yhtä vastarintaliikettä, joka koostui nimenomaan joko palanneista tai karanneista vangeista. Tämän ryhmän nimi ei kyllä ollut tuttu itselleni eikä se ollut kolmen kuuluisimman ja merkittävimmän joukossa.
Sodan jälkeen FM siirryttyä politiikkaan hän ei siis ollut sosialisti. Tai ainakaan moisessa puolueessa. Hän oli aluksi oikeistossa, ja pääsi jopa maan nuorimmaksi ministeriksi nopeasti. Ja viihtyi hallituksessa kauan. Mutta neljännen tasavallan väistyttyä ja de Gaullen astuessa viidennen tasavallan ruoriin, FM joutui sivuraiteille. Alkoi jopa hyökätä kenraalia vastaan ja syyttää uutta perustuslakia liiaksi valtaa keskittäväksi.
Tämän jälkeen sitten tapahtuukin kaikenlaista, ennen kaikkea FM:n menestys presidentinvaaleissa de Gaullea vastaan, laajempi sosialistien, kommunistien ja radikaalien yhdistäminen yhteisen ohjelman ja yhteistyön hyväksi. Lopulta tämä kaikki päättyy hänen nousuunsa presidentiksi ja toimimiseen maan korkeimpana johtajana pisimpään sitten Napoleon III:n. Chirac ei samaan päässyt, koska hänen aikanaan presidentinkautta lyhennettiin 7 vuodesta 5 vuoteen.
FM välittyy kuva ihmisenä, joka halusi valtaa. Ja ilmeisesti Ranskassa tämä kuva on myös olemassa. Ainakin suppeahkon kenttähaastatteluni perusteella. Myös hänen Vichyn aika on kysymyksiä herättävä. Itse tiesin hänen toki vaihtaneen puolta sodan aikana, mutta pidin häntä enempi Vichyn myötäilijänä kuin mitä kirja antoi ymmärtää.
FM on polvea, joka ymmärsi tai ainakin operoi ajatuksella politiikan ja ihmisyyden olevan yhtä harmaalla alueella liikkumista. Mustaa ja valkoista ei ole kuin heillä, jotka eivät mitään koskaan ole kokeneet tai tehneet. Toinen maailmansota valintoineen, sodan jälkeinen jälleenrakennus ja valtion nostaminen, politiikan henkilöityminen yksilöihin pikemminkin kuin puolueisiin sekä ehkä jopa hänen oma yksityiselämänsä hieman mediaanista poikkevine piirteineen varmasti tukivat tällaista näkemystä.
Vankila-ajasta oikeastaan alkaa FM:n nousu. Hän yritti paeta vankeudesta kolme kertaa, kunnes viimein onnistui. Ensimmäisellä kerralla hän oli taivaltanut jo lähes 300 mailia, kunnes jäi kiinni n. 20 mailia rajalta. Se on varmasti hatuttanut.
Vankilassa ja osin jo armeijassa FM huomasi, miten hänen oma taustaryhmänsä, yläluokka, sivistyneistö ja muut johtamaan tottuneet, eivät oikeastaan olleet sen kummempia ihmisiä, jopa huonompia kuin työväki tai ns johdettavat. FM myös sai vankila-ajasta hyvän ponnahduslaudan politiikkaan, kun hän alkoi ajamaan vankien asiaa, ensin maailmansodan aikana ja myös sen jälkeen. Ranskalaista asevelisosialismia.
Mutta FM ei kyllä ollut elämänsä alussa sosialisti, eikä sodan aika tai heti sen jälkeenkään. Sodan aikanahan hän toimi samaan aikaan sekä Vichyn hallinnossa että vastarintaliikkeessä. Hän johti yhtä vastarintaliikettä, joka koostui nimenomaan joko palanneista tai karanneista vangeista. Tämän ryhmän nimi ei kyllä ollut tuttu itselleni eikä se ollut kolmen kuuluisimman ja merkittävimmän joukossa.
Sodan jälkeen FM siirryttyä politiikkaan hän ei siis ollut sosialisti. Tai ainakaan moisessa puolueessa. Hän oli aluksi oikeistossa, ja pääsi jopa maan nuorimmaksi ministeriksi nopeasti. Ja viihtyi hallituksessa kauan. Mutta neljännen tasavallan väistyttyä ja de Gaullen astuessa viidennen tasavallan ruoriin, FM joutui sivuraiteille. Alkoi jopa hyökätä kenraalia vastaan ja syyttää uutta perustuslakia liiaksi valtaa keskittäväksi.
Tämän jälkeen sitten tapahtuukin kaikenlaista, ennen kaikkea FM:n menestys presidentinvaaleissa de Gaullea vastaan, laajempi sosialistien, kommunistien ja radikaalien yhdistäminen yhteisen ohjelman ja yhteistyön hyväksi. Lopulta tämä kaikki päättyy hänen nousuunsa presidentiksi ja toimimiseen maan korkeimpana johtajana pisimpään sitten Napoleon III:n. Chirac ei samaan päässyt, koska hänen aikanaan presidentinkautta lyhennettiin 7 vuodesta 5 vuoteen.
FM välittyy kuva ihmisenä, joka halusi valtaa. Ja ilmeisesti Ranskassa tämä kuva on myös olemassa. Ainakin suppeahkon kenttähaastatteluni perusteella. Myös hänen Vichyn aika on kysymyksiä herättävä. Itse tiesin hänen toki vaihtaneen puolta sodan aikana, mutta pidin häntä enempi Vichyn myötäilijänä kuin mitä kirja antoi ymmärtää.
FM on polvea, joka ymmärsi tai ainakin operoi ajatuksella politiikan ja ihmisyyden olevan yhtä harmaalla alueella liikkumista. Mustaa ja valkoista ei ole kuin heillä, jotka eivät mitään koskaan ole kokeneet tai tehneet. Toinen maailmansota valintoineen, sodan jälkeinen jälleenrakennus ja valtion nostaminen, politiikan henkilöityminen yksilöihin pikemminkin kuin puolueisiin sekä ehkä jopa hänen oma yksityiselämänsä hieman mediaanista poikkevine piirteineen varmasti tukivat tällaista näkemystä.
April 14, 2025
This is an excellent and in depth biography of President Mitterand and as per the blurb is certainally a study in ambiguity. Mitterand was a complex and fascinating man who embodied the shades of grey which characterized French post war politics. Central to his was the legacy of the Second World War and the two halves of France and the difficulty in reuniting the two post war when choices made by De Gaulle and the "heroic" resistance and those who followed Petain and "collaberated" were seen in black and white by, as Mitterand said towards the end of his life, by those who were too young to have been there so it was not for them to judge the decsions made at that time.
The biography sums up as well the French attitude to privacy and the whims of great men, it was seen as perfectly normal that the President had in effect two families and affairs are seen in an indulgent way, very different from the puritanical Anglo Saxon view of such matters.
The post war stuggle within the left between Socialists and Communists is covered without devolving into too much detail save to explain Mitterands achievement in making the left electable, his relationship with his various Prime Ministers. some of whom he actively disliked are covered along with the creation of the EU, the role of the French nuclear deterrent and centrally the collapse of the USSR and reunification of Germany (Mitterand had a surprisingly close and warm relationship with Helmet Kohl). What is clear is that President Mitterand for his strengths and flaws was a consequential figure in French and Eurpoean history , since the revolution only Louis Phillipe and Napoleon III were in power longer than his 14 years as President.
A thoroughly recommended biography and a reminder that great men can also possess great flaws.
The biography sums up as well the French attitude to privacy and the whims of great men, it was seen as perfectly normal that the President had in effect two families and affairs are seen in an indulgent way, very different from the puritanical Anglo Saxon view of such matters.
The post war stuggle within the left between Socialists and Communists is covered without devolving into too much detail save to explain Mitterands achievement in making the left electable, his relationship with his various Prime Ministers. some of whom he actively disliked are covered along with the creation of the EU, the role of the French nuclear deterrent and centrally the collapse of the USSR and reunification of Germany (Mitterand had a surprisingly close and warm relationship with Helmet Kohl). What is clear is that President Mitterand for his strengths and flaws was a consequential figure in French and Eurpoean history , since the revolution only Louis Phillipe and Napoleon III were in power longer than his 14 years as President.
A thoroughly recommended biography and a reminder that great men can also possess great flaws.
July 5, 2021
The following review is done on the basis of the earlier, lengthier version of the book - Mitterrand: A Study in Ambiguity. The amount of details this book presents to the reader is immense. One may argue that this is a very tiring read as it indeed is, but I feel like to author opted for using everything he could in order to write an all encompassing biography at the expense of flow and easiness to read the book - whether this was the right way, I would say it is. I haven’t read other biographies, but it seems they are either shorter in length (Francois Mitterrand: A Political Biography by David S. Bell) or focusing on certain aspect of his political life (Francois Mitterrand: A Very French President by Ronald Tiersky and The Black and the Red: Francois Mitterrand, the Story of an Ambition by Catherine Nay) making this the only biography about Mitterrand that follows his life from the very beginning to the end. Starting from ‘A Family Apart’ and the introduction to the early years of Francois Mitterrand to ‘The Testament’, his life after stepping down as the president, exhausted by cancer, Phillip Short tries to make the reader understand Mitterrand, referring as much as he can to the things mentioned earlier, as to make the biography as coherent as possible. It was a hard task to do, as the title of the book, conveying true nature of the nation’s first Socialist president says, but the author, in my opinion, succeeded. Still, no matter how informative, I have found book very hard to read at times thus the four stars.
June 6, 2021
Perhaps a little too detailed for me and I was hovering over a four stars but that would have been mean. This is an excellently written book of a fascinating life which remains elusive even after such depth.
It seems hard to see Mitterand clearly in front of you and that must surely have been what he wanted. The Observatory Affair makes some of the more egregious political shenanigans in Britain look tame. It wasn’t just his widely known two families but also a string of affairs betraying them both way, though clearly loving Anne and his daughter Mazarin deeply. Not to mention the civilised way he would read the papers in the morning with his wife’s lover who was living with them and publicly described as a cousin. Mitterrand lied and lied again through his career in public and on record. From the start he was as grand and monarchical as a President as de Gaulle and Destaing. He misjudged the Rwandan genocide and we will never know how many lives could have been saved.
And yet. There remains something compelling about him. Living with cancer - which of course he lied about - for most of his two terms he was central to the European story and perhaps his most genuine relationship was with Helmut Kohl.
No, definitely five stars.
It seems hard to see Mitterand clearly in front of you and that must surely have been what he wanted. The Observatory Affair makes some of the more egregious political shenanigans in Britain look tame. It wasn’t just his widely known two families but also a string of affairs betraying them both way, though clearly loving Anne and his daughter Mazarin deeply. Not to mention the civilised way he would read the papers in the morning with his wife’s lover who was living with them and publicly described as a cousin. Mitterrand lied and lied again through his career in public and on record. From the start he was as grand and monarchical as a President as de Gaulle and Destaing. He misjudged the Rwandan genocide and we will never know how many lives could have been saved.
And yet. There remains something compelling about him. Living with cancer - which of course he lied about - for most of his two terms he was central to the European story and perhaps his most genuine relationship was with Helmut Kohl.
No, definitely five stars.
September 20, 2022
This is the only recent English-language biography of Mitterand, and it is -- happily -- excellent. This is a long sprawling read about a man who spent 50 years at the top of French politics, shifting from the right to the left in the process and emerging as the singular face of the anti-Gaullist opposition. Short is a phenomenal (if overly showy) writer, and he provides lots of hand-holding and explanation for non-French readers (like me). If the book has one shortcoming, is that it is primarily focused on Mitterand's foreign policy and defense record while in office -- understandable, since those are the reserved policy areas for all French presidents. However, his economic reforms and especially his "grand projets" building efforts are given vert short shrift (the latter occupying barely a page or two at the end of the book). I wish we had slightly more color on Mitterand as a domestic politician. Still, a minor quibble for a work of such magisterial breadth.
August 10, 2019
A well-judged biography of a complex man with a fascinating life and career. Short makes a convincing case against those who would criticize Mitterrand for his acceptance of a role in the Vichy regime after escaping from a German prison camp (he played an important role in organizing the resistance of ex-PoWs against the Nazis), but doesn't spare words when it comes to his errors as president, such as undermining his own prime ministers and refusing to see the Rwandan genocide for what it was.
October 27, 2018
While I lived through his political career I knew very little about him. Equally, while I know that the French treat their politicians and their picadillos differently to those in Britain it was interesting to read about them in this book. Told by areas rather than in a start-to-end tale it made Mitterrand a real person, if living a somewhat unusual life for me. Informative.
September 14, 2019
I just wrote a brief commentary (at link) but this book was very good on recent French political history, not just Mitterand himself. I learned a lot about Europe in the '80s. Link: https://tylerwolanin.com/blog/2019/8/...
September 18, 2021
Whatever you think you might know about Mitterand be prepared to think again. My overwhelming sense is of a man who was entirely human - with all the contradictions that brings. This biography is so well written. You invest your life in Mitterand's. I'm not ashamed to admit I shed a tear at the end.
April 21, 2019
Gwaith ymchwil manwl drylwyr. Dyn anhygoel!
April 22, 2019
Documentary sources (diaries, correspondence etc.) for Mitterand’s personal life in his later years seem to be limited, so if like me you’re not particularly interested in his diplomatic initiatives of the 1990s (Operation Desert Shield, recognition of the Palestinian Authority, Maastricht Treaty) / Socialist Party in-fighting / Mitterand’s power-sharing struggles with Chirac, the last 300 or so pages will probably make pretty dull reading.
August 10, 2024
slippery fish
November 13, 2014
A look at a complicated man Pretty much all I knew about this guy was that he was a President of France when I was very young and that both his "official" family and "second" family were photographed at his funeral mourning together.
Short takes us though the life and times of Francois Mitterand, whose influence echoes down through France today. I was amused to see that as a child he gained a love of books from his mother, and could lose himself very easily in one (and perhaps had to learn how to read when surrounded by noise since he had several siblings).
The book chronicles his falling in love with a 14 year old (!) at the age of 21, being captured during World War II and his rise (and struggles) in politics. While fascinating to read (my knowledge of French history is fairly lacking), I found it was tough to get through at times. Short seemed pretty big on the process and the politics, but his text tended to drag a bit when relating the latest "affair" or bumble or even triumph.
Admittedly I found the text easier to handle the as time went on and I became much more familiar with events (and familiar with the politicians, French or otherwise), such as the French involvement in sinking the ship the Rainbow Warrior, the Cold War, etc. It was pretty interesting to see the French side of things in some of these events, with putting people like Margaret Thatcher or Ronald Reagan, etc. all on the sidelines. Short also helpfully brings in US or British government examples as a way to compare and contrast styles. (For instance, when he talks about the transition period, Short notes that the US system typically has a "transition team" in place for several months to get the President-elect up to speed, the British system has a the Civil Service that remain impartial regardless of which party is in power, vs. the French system of completely starts anew with just about anyone who is not a service member such as the butler or maintenance people.)
Many of the events Short talks about still have lots of influences that can be seen today: unrest in the Middle East with some of the former French colonies, the Cold War and Russia, the ineptitude of the French intelligence operations in some situations, etc. It was also interesting to see that one of the criticisms of Mitterrand is that he was too indecisive--he tended to reflect too long and hesitate. This is not unlike his namesake, the current President of France (as of this writing) Francois Hollande. It's also a bit puzzling because people apparently felt nostalgia for Mitterand when the 2012 election came around. Really? I wonder if it's a case of "the grass is greener."
One thing that surprised me about this book is that there isn't much about his personal life at all. In his introduction Short says he managed to speak with both Mitterand's wife, Danielle, and his mistress, Anne Pingeot but they don't appear in the text much, even when the revelation that Mitterand has two families (being supported on the taxpayer dime...franc?) become public. They provide a bit of insight to the man, but Short mostly remains with the political theme and story.
An epic book that I probably would have enjoyed more if I were more familiar with the players and historical context. But when it was published it was promoted quite a bit on NPR and all those places. I'm glad I read it, and feel lucky I was able to get it at the library. Unless you're a student of French history, culture, etc. or have a special interest in Mitterrand, you may be fine with just Wikipedia.
Short takes us though the life and times of Francois Mitterand, whose influence echoes down through France today. I was amused to see that as a child he gained a love of books from his mother, and could lose himself very easily in one (and perhaps had to learn how to read when surrounded by noise since he had several siblings).
The book chronicles his falling in love with a 14 year old (!) at the age of 21, being captured during World War II and his rise (and struggles) in politics. While fascinating to read (my knowledge of French history is fairly lacking), I found it was tough to get through at times. Short seemed pretty big on the process and the politics, but his text tended to drag a bit when relating the latest "affair" or bumble or even triumph.
Admittedly I found the text easier to handle the as time went on and I became much more familiar with events (and familiar with the politicians, French or otherwise), such as the French involvement in sinking the ship the Rainbow Warrior, the Cold War, etc. It was pretty interesting to see the French side of things in some of these events, with putting people like Margaret Thatcher or Ronald Reagan, etc. all on the sidelines. Short also helpfully brings in US or British government examples as a way to compare and contrast styles. (For instance, when he talks about the transition period, Short notes that the US system typically has a "transition team" in place for several months to get the President-elect up to speed, the British system has a the Civil Service that remain impartial regardless of which party is in power, vs. the French system of completely starts anew with just about anyone who is not a service member such as the butler or maintenance people.)
Many of the events Short talks about still have lots of influences that can be seen today: unrest in the Middle East with some of the former French colonies, the Cold War and Russia, the ineptitude of the French intelligence operations in some situations, etc. It was also interesting to see that one of the criticisms of Mitterrand is that he was too indecisive--he tended to reflect too long and hesitate. This is not unlike his namesake, the current President of France (as of this writing) Francois Hollande. It's also a bit puzzling because people apparently felt nostalgia for Mitterand when the 2012 election came around. Really? I wonder if it's a case of "the grass is greener."
One thing that surprised me about this book is that there isn't much about his personal life at all. In his introduction Short says he managed to speak with both Mitterand's wife, Danielle, and his mistress, Anne Pingeot but they don't appear in the text much, even when the revelation that Mitterand has two families (being supported on the taxpayer dime...franc?) become public. They provide a bit of insight to the man, but Short mostly remains with the political theme and story.
An epic book that I probably would have enjoyed more if I were more familiar with the players and historical context. But when it was published it was promoted quite a bit on NPR and all those places. I'm glad I read it, and feel lucky I was able to get it at the library. Unless you're a student of French history, culture, etc. or have a special interest in Mitterrand, you may be fine with just Wikipedia.
July 31, 2014
When I was in high school, I was going through a period when I was particularly intrigued in my French heritage. As a result, I ended up doing my English term paper my senior year on the man who was president of France at the time: Francois Mitterrand. My teacher thought it was a weird choice, and it probably was, but he did turn out to be an interesting guy ... heck, his mistress lived with him and his wife IN the presidential palace.
This book was an in-depth look at him. I believe it was published in Britain, which means many of the intended readers were probably more familiar with Mitterrand than the average American since they were neighbors. The book most likely goes into a lot more detail than most readers would be interesting, but it was sort of a unique look not only at an interesting political figure, but also a different perspective on World War II and the Cold War Era since Mitterrand was a part of both.
He was a soldier who was captured by the Germans and held as a POW before escaping to France to work both for the Vichy regime and the Maquis (French Resistance). This allowed him to use his POW status and connections to make him quite influential in the post-war formation of the new French government.
Readers join him as he deals with the collapse of French Indochina, which led to America' participation in the Vietnam War; the rise of what is now the European Union, and the general collapse of the French Empire in Northern Africa. Overall, Mitterrand seemed to be a good leader, which is probably why he was able to stay so close to the center of government in France over the constantly changing leadership of their parliamentary system.
The book does not paint him to be a perfect politician or person, but rather highlights both the good and bad things about the individual. This included his career as well as his relationship with his wife, which was awkward due to his womanizing and his long hours of work. In the end, I thought he comes across as a regular human being with faults, but also one that did a lot to make his country a better place.
The biggest disappointment I had with the book was a lack of photographs. Many of these types of biographies will often have sections with photographs to give some visual insight into the person. I thought it would have been helpful in showing how he was able to be such a successful womanizer. I mean, power can only bring you so far!
While I liked this book, I am not sure that I know many people who would also feel the same way unless they had a particular interest in the history of the period or Franc-/European politics. With that said, it really is a well-research and -written book on the topic.
This book was an in-depth look at him. I believe it was published in Britain, which means many of the intended readers were probably more familiar with Mitterrand than the average American since they were neighbors. The book most likely goes into a lot more detail than most readers would be interesting, but it was sort of a unique look not only at an interesting political figure, but also a different perspective on World War II and the Cold War Era since Mitterrand was a part of both.
He was a soldier who was captured by the Germans and held as a POW before escaping to France to work both for the Vichy regime and the Maquis (French Resistance). This allowed him to use his POW status and connections to make him quite influential in the post-war formation of the new French government.
Readers join him as he deals with the collapse of French Indochina, which led to America' participation in the Vietnam War; the rise of what is now the European Union, and the general collapse of the French Empire in Northern Africa. Overall, Mitterrand seemed to be a good leader, which is probably why he was able to stay so close to the center of government in France over the constantly changing leadership of their parliamentary system.
The book does not paint him to be a perfect politician or person, but rather highlights both the good and bad things about the individual. This included his career as well as his relationship with his wife, which was awkward due to his womanizing and his long hours of work. In the end, I thought he comes across as a regular human being with faults, but also one that did a lot to make his country a better place.
The biggest disappointment I had with the book was a lack of photographs. Many of these types of biographies will often have sections with photographs to give some visual insight into the person. I thought it would have been helpful in showing how he was able to be such a successful womanizer. I mean, power can only bring you so far!
While I liked this book, I am not sure that I know many people who would also feel the same way unless they had a particular interest in the history of the period or Franc-/European politics. With that said, it really is a well-research and -written book on the topic.
August 9, 2016
This book was given to me as a First Read on Goodreads.
French politics of World War II and post war is complex and confusing. So is Francois Mitterrand who was in the middle of it all.
Mitterrand was taken prisoner by the Germans when he was a young man. He made several escape attempts and finally succeeded in making it to the South of France. He served in an office of the Vichy government charged with aiding the re-entry of former POWs who had either escaped or been released. He used the connections formed through this activity to form the base of his political career which culminated in his holding the French presidency from 1981-1995.
Through his long career Mitterrand dealt with several political scandals, tiptoed through the delicate problem of dealing with de Gaulle, worked through the minefield of the colonial possessions, and led a complicated personal life.
Philip Short leads us through this labyrinth with amazing clarity, patiently explaining the nuances of French politics and French attitudes toward politicians and their political and personal lives.
Only occasionally does this biography take on a dry textbook tone but for the most part it is surprising easy to follow.
Mitterrand was an important figure in both French and international politics of the Twentieth Century. This biography is a worthwhile contribution to the history of the period.
Highly recommended.
French politics of World War II and post war is complex and confusing. So is Francois Mitterrand who was in the middle of it all.
Mitterrand was taken prisoner by the Germans when he was a young man. He made several escape attempts and finally succeeded in making it to the South of France. He served in an office of the Vichy government charged with aiding the re-entry of former POWs who had either escaped or been released. He used the connections formed through this activity to form the base of his political career which culminated in his holding the French presidency from 1981-1995.
Through his long career Mitterrand dealt with several political scandals, tiptoed through the delicate problem of dealing with de Gaulle, worked through the minefield of the colonial possessions, and led a complicated personal life.
Philip Short leads us through this labyrinth with amazing clarity, patiently explaining the nuances of French politics and French attitudes toward politicians and their political and personal lives.
Only occasionally does this biography take on a dry textbook tone but for the most part it is surprising easy to follow.
Mitterrand was an important figure in both French and international politics of the Twentieth Century. This biography is a worthwhile contribution to the history of the period.
Highly recommended.
October 1, 2023
I haven't read too many biographies, but this one probably qualifies as a masterpiece. Not only the reader will learn about such a fascinating historical character, but s(he) will also become immersed in the most relevant geopolitical events that took place in Europe and abroad during the last two thirds of the XXth century.
Although during the middle of the book, during the years in long shadow of De Gaulle, the narrative becomes more difficult to follow, but for the msot part the book offers a very entertaining recount of the life of the man who ruled France for the longest period since Napoleon III.
Philip Short depicts a complex human being who had to survive in a complicated time, who excelled in the art of persuasion and seduction despite being a cold-as-cucumber and pedantic introvert, who was a "collabo" in the government of Vichy and who was part of the French Resistance, who was deeply influenced by his catholic upbringing while having two different families and numerous affairs, who escaped the nazi concentration camps, who justified the tortures of the Algerian insurgents, who fought for international peace, European integration and the rights of the dispossessed, who supported the Rwandan government and denied the genocide even after it was clear it was not a civil war. François Mitterrand certainly was neither black nor white: he embodied that greyness he believed all men belong to.
Although during the middle of the book, during the years in long shadow of De Gaulle, the narrative becomes more difficult to follow, but for the msot part the book offers a very entertaining recount of the life of the man who ruled France for the longest period since Napoleon III.
Philip Short depicts a complex human being who had to survive in a complicated time, who excelled in the art of persuasion and seduction despite being a cold-as-cucumber and pedantic introvert, who was a "collabo" in the government of Vichy and who was part of the French Resistance, who was deeply influenced by his catholic upbringing while having two different families and numerous affairs, who escaped the nazi concentration camps, who justified the tortures of the Algerian insurgents, who fought for international peace, European integration and the rights of the dispossessed, who supported the Rwandan government and denied the genocide even after it was clear it was not a civil war. François Mitterrand certainly was neither black nor white: he embodied that greyness he believed all men belong to.
November 17, 2014
Having lived the omnipresence of François Mitterand up close during his interminable Presidency of intrigue & masterful cunning , carried out with the sense of purpose of a maestro sushi chef, I was none the less taken aback by the unending prelude to his singular rule of France.
Phillip Shorts book I found to be utterly compelling, brilliantly researched & delivered with the butlers insight. An detailed look at France’s struggle with itself after the war with François Mitterand somehow always managing to be there & to make himself count as he inched forward towards his ultimate goal.
Frequently frustrated, seldom fêted, progressively daunting, Short allows one to understand how Mitterand rose above the forest canopy, to dominate first his Party & then the political arena – utterly & completely.
Thinking of this book as a thriller, because it has been written in a particularly enthralling manner that will set your pulse racing.
Phillip Shorts book I found to be utterly compelling, brilliantly researched & delivered with the butlers insight. An detailed look at France’s struggle with itself after the war with François Mitterand somehow always managing to be there & to make himself count as he inched forward towards his ultimate goal.
Frequently frustrated, seldom fêted, progressively daunting, Short allows one to understand how Mitterand rose above the forest canopy, to dominate first his Party & then the political arena – utterly & completely.
Thinking of this book as a thriller, because it has been written in a particularly enthralling manner that will set your pulse racing.
April 20, 2020
I knew nothing about this man before I picked up this book on a whim from my local library. I'm glad I did -- such a fascinating bundle of contrasts and contradictions. I think the best biographies make their subjects more human, showing us a person's flaws as well as the things that made them great. The author does a great job here of that, balancing Mitterand's knack for political maneuvering and eye for the main chance with his arrogance / intellectual elitism and tendency to avoid dealing with problems head-on. Several examples are cited for this pattern late in the book where if he had dealt with something right away it probably would not have been as bad...but instead he avoided the lit-fuse bombs until they blew up in his face. I mean, it's hard to blame him though -- who DOESN'T hope that problems will just go away if you ignore them hard enough?
Un grand livre sur un grand homme!
Un grand livre sur un grand homme!
August 20, 2014
An interesting read into the life of one of the great European statesmen of the previous century. Philip Short tries his best to create a in-depth account of this most enigmatic creature, but doesn't quite succeed. His banal assumptions about his private life are best overlooked, such as explaining his duplicitous behaviour in politics by a broken heart in love as a young man. The conclusion; Perhaps the Americans have the perfect system allowing for the possibility of two four year presidential terms, just enough time to get things done, but not enough to become regal.
December 9, 2013
A veritable tour-de-force from the former BBC Paris correspondent, putting the determination, triumphs, failures and many ambiguities of the mercurial fourth president of France's Fourth Republic into a wider historical context.
July 5, 2016
Encore meilleur que le Winock, s'intéresse autant à l’événement historique qu'à la psychologie de Mitterrand. Sans concession, avec des témoignages inédits comme Anne Pingeot, mais sans jamais tomber dans le voyeurisme. Et en plus, c'est intelligemment écrit !
November 29, 2013
Interesting life he had, lots I had no idea about.
June 23, 2014
Excellent biography of a complex man through a critical period of European history. Readable and enlightening
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