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Karachi: Ordered Disorder and the Struggle for the City
With an official population approaching fifteen million, Karachi is one of the largest cities in the world. It is also the most violent. Since the mid-1980s, it has endured endemic political conflict and criminal violence, which revolve around control of the city and its resources (votes, land and bhatta-"protection" money). These struggles for the city have become ethnicized. Karachi, often referred to as a "Pakistan in miniature," has become increasingly fragmented, socially as well as territorially.
Despite this chronic state of urban political warfare, Karachi is the cornerstone of the economy of Pakistan. Gayer's book is an attempt to elucidate this conundrum. Against journalistic accounts describing Karachi as chaotic and ungovernable, he argues that there is indeed order of a kind in the city's permanent civil war. Far from being entropic, Karachi's polity is predicated upon organisational, interpretative and pragmatic routines that have made violence "manageable" for its populations. Whether such "ordered disorder" is viable in the long term remains to be seen, but for now Karachi works despite-and sometimes through-violence.
Despite this chronic state of urban political warfare, Karachi is the cornerstone of the economy of Pakistan. Gayer's book is an attempt to elucidate this conundrum. Against journalistic accounts describing Karachi as chaotic and ungovernable, he argues that there is indeed order of a kind in the city's permanent civil war. Far from being entropic, Karachi's polity is predicated upon organisational, interpretative and pragmatic routines that have made violence "manageable" for its populations. Whether such "ordered disorder" is viable in the long term remains to be seen, but for now Karachi works despite-and sometimes through-violence.
256 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 2014
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Displaying 1 - 15 of 15 reviews
January 15, 2015
There are a hundred different ways to study a city as huge and complex as Karachi. This book fills in some of the gaps left by Steve Inskeep's more narrative reporting style in Instant City but has its own limitations.
The central (familiar) argument is that Karachi's various competing ethno-political organizations are all locked in competition with one another in contests for political power, land, and economic gain, but that there are some bounds to this competition that prevent it from disintegrating into all out civil war - notably that the state remains present as a potential referee when it chooses / is forced to intervene, and the hegemony (now weakening) of the MQM over city politics also acts as something as a deterrent / stabilizing force.
An early chapter on the student group origins of the MQM, and subsequent changes in the technology of violence in the 1980s (circa the Afghan jihad) is interesting. The book doesn't really dive into the party's current structure (the in-charge system is noted, but contemporary party command-and-control, and the implications of the Altaf leadership cult, not evaluated at length). Though the book suggests that local MQM revenue generation capabilities are under strain (partly due to the rise of new challengers), this is not really explored in detail. (There are, understandably, risks to conducting research in this area.)
City planning and land control issues only come in at the very end (Inskeep's book was probably better at giving more historical context on past efforts in this regard); I would've preferred to see more systematic analysis on this. There is an extended chapter on the PAC in Lyari and its work with / challenges to the PPP; another chapter focuses on the activities of the TTP and Sunni sectarian groups around 2011-13. Both of these are useful background material, but the latter chapter does not link much to broader national trends. There is not much discussion of the PTI's challenge to the MQM in the 2013 elections and whether that will reshape the city landscape in any meaningful way.
If you can push through the academic jargon (or would like to try a drinking game for every use of the term "irreducible") there is value in here, but for those already following the city's issues closely, digging through this particular recounting of Karachi's ailments may not be a first priority.
The central (familiar) argument is that Karachi's various competing ethno-political organizations are all locked in competition with one another in contests for political power, land, and economic gain, but that there are some bounds to this competition that prevent it from disintegrating into all out civil war - notably that the state remains present as a potential referee when it chooses / is forced to intervene, and the hegemony (now weakening) of the MQM over city politics also acts as something as a deterrent / stabilizing force.
An early chapter on the student group origins of the MQM, and subsequent changes in the technology of violence in the 1980s (circa the Afghan jihad) is interesting. The book doesn't really dive into the party's current structure (the in-charge system is noted, but contemporary party command-and-control, and the implications of the Altaf leadership cult, not evaluated at length). Though the book suggests that local MQM revenue generation capabilities are under strain (partly due to the rise of new challengers), this is not really explored in detail. (There are, understandably, risks to conducting research in this area.)
City planning and land control issues only come in at the very end (Inskeep's book was probably better at giving more historical context on past efforts in this regard); I would've preferred to see more systematic analysis on this. There is an extended chapter on the PAC in Lyari and its work with / challenges to the PPP; another chapter focuses on the activities of the TTP and Sunni sectarian groups around 2011-13. Both of these are useful background material, but the latter chapter does not link much to broader national trends. There is not much discussion of the PTI's challenge to the MQM in the 2013 elections and whether that will reshape the city landscape in any meaningful way.
If you can push through the academic jargon (or would like to try a drinking game for every use of the term "irreducible") there is value in here, but for those already following the city's issues closely, digging through this particular recounting of Karachi's ailments may not be a first priority.
January 18, 2019
An excellent take on Karachi’s turbulent (often violent) political landscape in a historical context. I am particularly impressed by the smaller details Gayer successfully captured, which can be easily overlooked by someone who is not a country national. Gayer attempted to trace the roots of the political unrest while at the same time claiming that there is an order in Karachi’s chaos. That order, Gayer asserts, emanates in large part from the presence of Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) amidst a number of counterbalancing forces that also claim their share in Pakistan’s largest city (religious fanatics, Jamat-e-Islami, Awami National Party, Pakistan Peoples Party, Lyari gangs, land mafia etc.).
However, reading in 2019, I feel that this book seriously needs a revised edition due a number of significant factors emerging post 2016:
1. After the anti-Pakistan comments by MQM’s primo Altaf Hussain in a 22 August 2016 speech, resulting crack down on MQM by the state, and general anti-MQM environment among the populace, most of the prominent members of the party have disassociated themselves from Altaf Hussain and formed a separate party MQM-Pakistan. Furthermore, Hussain’s MQM (MQM-London) boycotted the 2018 election while a serious rift even within MQM-P due to the lack of true leadership led to MQM-P losing its foothold in Karachi to the emerging Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI). These days, a party that used to rule the streets of Karachi is hardly a shadow of its former self – something that was unimaginable few years ago.
2. Lyari’s gangs have been crushed by the state with their leaders either killed or in jail. Lyari is not a no-go area anymore.
3. Pakistan Military’s tough crackdown on Taliban elements in northern areas and other major cities has seriously damaged Deobandi fanatics, if not totally destroyed them. Barring a few isolated instances, Karachi does not take them seriously anymore.
4. Barelvi Islam is considered a non-violent and softer Sunni Islamic sect than their Deobandi counterparts. However, amidst the alleged blasphemy incidents and emergence of a firebrand Barelvi preacher Khadim Hussain Rizvi, a large part of Barelvi Muslims have started showing extremely violent tendencies towards the alleged blasphemers and state itself. 2018 general elections saw them winning a number of seats in Punjab as well. Although they haven’t emerged on Karachi’s political scene but their sociopolitical presence can be strongly felt here.
However, reading in 2019, I feel that this book seriously needs a revised edition due a number of significant factors emerging post 2016:
1. After the anti-Pakistan comments by MQM’s primo Altaf Hussain in a 22 August 2016 speech, resulting crack down on MQM by the state, and general anti-MQM environment among the populace, most of the prominent members of the party have disassociated themselves from Altaf Hussain and formed a separate party MQM-Pakistan. Furthermore, Hussain’s MQM (MQM-London) boycotted the 2018 election while a serious rift even within MQM-P due to the lack of true leadership led to MQM-P losing its foothold in Karachi to the emerging Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf (PTI). These days, a party that used to rule the streets of Karachi is hardly a shadow of its former self – something that was unimaginable few years ago.
2. Lyari’s gangs have been crushed by the state with their leaders either killed or in jail. Lyari is not a no-go area anymore.
3. Pakistan Military’s tough crackdown on Taliban elements in northern areas and other major cities has seriously damaged Deobandi fanatics, if not totally destroyed them. Barring a few isolated instances, Karachi does not take them seriously anymore.
4. Barelvi Islam is considered a non-violent and softer Sunni Islamic sect than their Deobandi counterparts. However, amidst the alleged blasphemy incidents and emergence of a firebrand Barelvi preacher Khadim Hussain Rizvi, a large part of Barelvi Muslims have started showing extremely violent tendencies towards the alleged blasphemers and state itself. 2018 general elections saw them winning a number of seats in Punjab as well. Although they haven’t emerged on Karachi’s political scene but their sociopolitical presence can be strongly felt here.
June 12, 2020
I have rated it 5 stars for the research conducted by the author for Chapters 2 to 5.
Karachi's actors, both famous and not, have been given in-depth attention. Muhajir identity (and its creation), Militant student unions at KU, MQM and its intra-party politics and secondary state apparatus, Lyari and its Baloch ancestory, Rahman Dakait, Uzair Baloch and Lyari's ensemble gang wars cast, the People's Aman Committee and its link with the PPP, the Deobandi Sipaha Sahaba Pakistan, the Barelvi Sunni Tehreek, and others. I would have liked if more attention had been paid to state agencies and their role in creating and shaping these actors.
Karachi's actors, both famous and not, have been given in-depth attention. Muhajir identity (and its creation), Militant student unions at KU, MQM and its intra-party politics and secondary state apparatus, Lyari and its Baloch ancestory, Rahman Dakait, Uzair Baloch and Lyari's ensemble gang wars cast, the People's Aman Committee and its link with the PPP, the Deobandi Sipaha Sahaba Pakistan, the Barelvi Sunni Tehreek, and others. I would have liked if more attention had been paid to state agencies and their role in creating and shaping these actors.
October 23, 2022
Good book, if somewhat outdated.
September 28, 2014
Quite an interesting analysis of this tumultuous and vibrant (despite all that it has undergone) city, though overly academic at points...
April 19, 2020
I would recommend this book only to readers who are familiar with the sociopolitical context of the Pakistani state and society in general. The reason is that it has plenty of detailed insights into the sociopolitical milieu of Karachi, which can only be well understood if you are thoroughly familiar with the various sociopolitical fault-lines of the country. The book presents an interesting analysis of the negotiated nature of the state in Karachi where (as the author writes on p.159 of the book) “[t]he existence of contending forces in society does not necessarily mean total loss of control on the part of the government.” The book gives a thorough analysis of the fluid nature of violence and violent actors in Karachi who could be morphing from one identity to another and changing directions more rapidly than one would anticipate. I wish, however, that it was written in more reader-friendly prose and font size.
The book has several interesting insights into the power and identity dynamics of the megapolis. For instance, while the Mohajirs (the migrants from India) have staked a claim to Karachi lately calling for migrants from other parts of Pakistan as outsiders, the book well-represents the reality that Karachi actually belonged to Sindhis (many of them non-Muslims) before the partition of the subcontinent and the Urdu-speaking population rapidly replaced them as a majority soon after the partition. Gayer writes on page 51 of the book, “Whereas, in 1941, Sindhi was the mother tongue of 61 per cent of the city’s residents, ten years later 51 per cent of the population returned Urdu as their mother tongue, as against 8.5 per cent for Sindhi.” This rapid transformation of the city’s population was far more drastic than any subsequent waves of migrants to the city in later years. The way the Mohajirs have coalesced with each other rather than the native Sindhi population could actually be held responsible for the subsequent waves of migration not resulting in a cosmopolitan culture, according to Gayer. He also busts the myth of Karachi (read Mohajirs) being secular and gives several examples of the popularity of the likes of Jammat Islami (JI) and Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan (JUP) in the city long before the Jihad years in Afghanistan.
The book has several interesting insights into the power and identity dynamics of the megapolis. For instance, while the Mohajirs (the migrants from India) have staked a claim to Karachi lately calling for migrants from other parts of Pakistan as outsiders, the book well-represents the reality that Karachi actually belonged to Sindhis (many of them non-Muslims) before the partition of the subcontinent and the Urdu-speaking population rapidly replaced them as a majority soon after the partition. Gayer writes on page 51 of the book, “Whereas, in 1941, Sindhi was the mother tongue of 61 per cent of the city’s residents, ten years later 51 per cent of the population returned Urdu as their mother tongue, as against 8.5 per cent for Sindhi.” This rapid transformation of the city’s population was far more drastic than any subsequent waves of migrants to the city in later years. The way the Mohajirs have coalesced with each other rather than the native Sindhi population could actually be held responsible for the subsequent waves of migration not resulting in a cosmopolitan culture, according to Gayer. He also busts the myth of Karachi (read Mohajirs) being secular and gives several examples of the popularity of the likes of Jammat Islami (JI) and Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan (JUP) in the city long before the Jihad years in Afghanistan.
December 11, 2018
Very informative, the author elaborates the power dynamics of Karachi in a beautiful way. He highlights the underlining causes of the once prevalent turf wars in the city. The book is a must read for those who want to understand what had plagued the city since the mid 80s. There are a few shortcomings, the language is sometimes too difficult to be understood by a general reader. Simlarly, nothing has been written on the PTI challenge to MQM. Things in Karachi have changed alot in the last few years so some can find the book's recent analysis outdated but nevertheless as I mentioned earlier it is the best source to understand the origin and evolution of the conflict in the city. This understanding can then help us in achieving permanent peace in the city.
September 24, 2019
The book will give you insights to when and what started the political, religious and ethinic violence in Karachi. A large chunk is dedicated to student politics in KU which i found the most interesting. The book balances the reporting of standout events that shaped the violence in the city as we see it now and simultaneously try to link it all together into the ordered disorder theory that he thinks is at the core of the structure of these issues. Although i thought this theory could have been explained in a much simpler vocablry(alot of techincal terminology being used), would recommend this book If you want to learn about the city of Karachi's dynamic state of violence.
August 2, 2018
Definitely, a good read. It provided me with ample information in a reasonably objective manner that I had not been privy to before; such as details of ethnic strife, student political organizations, criminal organizations of different localities and about their political patronage. It touches on many issues that plague Karachi and helps explain those issues by delving into their history, providing the surrounding context about them and concluding with the present situation. The book reads better in its later chapters. All in all, it was a decent read that I enjoyed.
September 25, 2024
If you just needed some more Karachi politics and strife content after reading Instant City, then you could do worse than reading this. There is a lot of good content on the origins of the major militias and parties and their ethnic/religious affiliations. But the writing is bogged down with long chunks of laughable sociology blabber that are supposed to be interesting synthesis and analysis and either completely fail to be, or are just illegible to me. Would love to have had this edited by Chris Blattman or Ben Lessing!
February 20, 2017
Very interesting, but a little social-science jargon-y, even for me. Still, paints a fascinating picture of Karachi's multi-layer fabric of violence and agency, and worth reading by anyone who wants to learn more about Pakistan in general or violent urban politics in particular.
August 22, 2017
A fantastic read explaining the Karachi situation. I grew up in Karachi, and yet there were so many things I didn't understand until I read this books.
The book has helped me start on the path for further research on Karachi.
The book has helped me start on the path for further research on Karachi.
December 15, 2023
really enjoyed reading. political wars, underground mobs and their impact on the industrial hub of pakistan. the activities, instability and struggles of power where the innocent civilians have always been collateral.
February 13, 2018
An amazing book that improves one's understanding of Karachi as a city and its politics. It is peppered with interesting personal anecdotes and literary references to the city and its people.
April 16, 2015
'Karachi works despite and sometimes through violence' - Laurent Gayer
Displaying 1 - 15 of 15 reviews