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The Fire Last Time: 1968 and After
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410 pages, Paperback
Published January 1, 1998
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444 people want to read
About the author
Chris Harman
122 books185 followersBritish journalist and political activist for the Socialist Workers Party.
Harmann was involved with activism against the Viet Nam war but became controversial for denouncing Ho Chi Minh for murdering the leader of the Vietnamese Trotskists.
Harman's work on May 1968 in France and other student and workers uprisings of the late 1960s, The Fire Last Time, was recommended by rock band Rage Against the Machine in their album sleeve notes for Evil Empire.
Harmann was involved with activism against the Viet Nam war but became controversial for denouncing Ho Chi Minh for murdering the leader of the Vietnamese Trotskists.
Harman's work on May 1968 in France and other student and workers uprisings of the late 1960s, The Fire Last Time, was recommended by rock band Rage Against the Machine in their album sleeve notes for Evil Empire.
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Displaying 1 - 6 of 6 reviews
December 25, 2025
absolutely excellent book, and would recommend to any revolutionary socialist. each chapter builds a timeline from the post-war boom, to the struggles of 1968 and beyond, and argues a few key points. some big ones are:
1. crisis is inevitable everywhere and stability under capitalism is basically never guaranteed to the ruling class forever
2. how incredible mass movements and uprisings are, and what workers’ power can achieve. they can both win reforms for the working class, but also can challenge bourgeois or backwards ideas, convincing many that workers are the force that can win a better world for all
3. the revolutionary left not only had (and currently has) to organise and grow, but do so on a clarified set of revolutionary socialist politics, with a grounded analysis of the political forces + situation and an active membership.
with the absolute atrocities going on in the world right now - the rise of the far right, a terrible cost of living crisis, and the genocide in gaza to name a few - there’s always a need to build a massive organisation that stands as a revolutionary left-wing alternative to the pro-capitalist and reformist parties. this book’s main political arguments and analysis is still highly relevant for socialists to take on today to be part of organising such a thing, if we want to win socialism everywhere.
1. crisis is inevitable everywhere and stability under capitalism is basically never guaranteed to the ruling class forever
2. how incredible mass movements and uprisings are, and what workers’ power can achieve. they can both win reforms for the working class, but also can challenge bourgeois or backwards ideas, convincing many that workers are the force that can win a better world for all
3. the revolutionary left not only had (and currently has) to organise and grow, but do so on a clarified set of revolutionary socialist politics, with a grounded analysis of the political forces + situation and an active membership.
with the absolute atrocities going on in the world right now - the rise of the far right, a terrible cost of living crisis, and the genocide in gaza to name a few - there’s always a need to build a massive organisation that stands as a revolutionary left-wing alternative to the pro-capitalist and reformist parties. this book’s main political arguments and analysis is still highly relevant for socialists to take on today to be part of organising such a thing, if we want to win socialism everywhere.
December 6, 2017
Absolute best book ever!
Chris Harman clearly demonstrates the tendency of capitalism to enter into recurrent economic and political crisis, and explores the context and outcomes of one such period of crisis, the events of 1968-74. He looks at both the objective factors shaping this crisis, but also the subjective factors--the people and organisations which took part in these events, and the arguments they made about how to best go about shaping them.
Reformist forces such as the Stalinist and eurocommunist Communist Parties, various social democratic parties, trade union bureaucracies, etc, were able to restrain the struggles of workers and students, keeping them within the bounds of the capitalist system, ultimately allowing ex-fascists, hard-right conservatives and neo-liberal social democrats hack away at workers' gains over the next few decades. Revolutionary socialists, while making gains and playing an important part throughout these struggles, were not able to make use of the opportunities presented and follow through on the full potential of the situation. The potentials that existed can be seen in the actions of the students and workers, their inspiring self activity, their occupations of universities, factories and other workplaces, and the revolutionary conclusions many of them came to.
Harman examines the weaknesses of the revolutionary socialist groups--their theoretical and organisational failings, as well as the simple fact that at the start of 1968 these groups were tiny. The message of the book is clear: if you want to change the world for the better you need to be prepared for the next crisis of capitalism, the next revolutionary upsurge--the fire next time. You need to not only be in a revolutionary socialist organisation, but you need to be active. Only through activity can a group's theory be clarified, and only by putting in the effort to help the group grow can it be sizeable enough to take advantage of the opportunities that arise.
As Rosa Luxemburg said, we stand at a crossroads between socialism and barbarism. Reading this book helps you understand why the fire last time ultimately failed to reach socialism and instead led us back to the path we are on now: to the Iraq war and Guantanamo Bay; to offshore processing of refugees and the death of Alan Kurdi; to Milo Yianoppoulos and the United Patriots Front; to the NT intervention and Aboriginal kids in spit hoods; to the ABCC and the slashing of weekend penalty rates. And hopefully people reading it will be inspired to take action and get involved in socialist politics so that next time the opportunities presented will be grasped with both hands, the working class will bring an end to class-divided society, all forms of oppression will be abolished, and instead of the horrors of capitalism, humanity will be able to live under socialism.
Chris Harman clearly demonstrates the tendency of capitalism to enter into recurrent economic and political crisis, and explores the context and outcomes of one such period of crisis, the events of 1968-74. He looks at both the objective factors shaping this crisis, but also the subjective factors--the people and organisations which took part in these events, and the arguments they made about how to best go about shaping them.
Reformist forces such as the Stalinist and eurocommunist Communist Parties, various social democratic parties, trade union bureaucracies, etc, were able to restrain the struggles of workers and students, keeping them within the bounds of the capitalist system, ultimately allowing ex-fascists, hard-right conservatives and neo-liberal social democrats hack away at workers' gains over the next few decades. Revolutionary socialists, while making gains and playing an important part throughout these struggles, were not able to make use of the opportunities presented and follow through on the full potential of the situation. The potentials that existed can be seen in the actions of the students and workers, their inspiring self activity, their occupations of universities, factories and other workplaces, and the revolutionary conclusions many of them came to.
Harman examines the weaknesses of the revolutionary socialist groups--their theoretical and organisational failings, as well as the simple fact that at the start of 1968 these groups were tiny. The message of the book is clear: if you want to change the world for the better you need to be prepared for the next crisis of capitalism, the next revolutionary upsurge--the fire next time. You need to not only be in a revolutionary socialist organisation, but you need to be active. Only through activity can a group's theory be clarified, and only by putting in the effort to help the group grow can it be sizeable enough to take advantage of the opportunities that arise.
As Rosa Luxemburg said, we stand at a crossroads between socialism and barbarism. Reading this book helps you understand why the fire last time ultimately failed to reach socialism and instead led us back to the path we are on now: to the Iraq war and Guantanamo Bay; to offshore processing of refugees and the death of Alan Kurdi; to Milo Yianoppoulos and the United Patriots Front; to the NT intervention and Aboriginal kids in spit hoods; to the ABCC and the slashing of weekend penalty rates. And hopefully people reading it will be inspired to take action and get involved in socialist politics so that next time the opportunities presented will be grasped with both hands, the working class will bring an end to class-divided society, all forms of oppression will be abolished, and instead of the horrors of capitalism, humanity will be able to live under socialism.
April 5, 2026
I read the first edition of this excellent and important book when it was published in 1988. That was 20 years after the momentous events of 1968. Now we are not far off 60 years on from those events, and with capitalism dragging the world deeper and deeper into the mire, the political lessons that Chris Harman draws from that period are more important than ever.
Harman shows that the crises and revolts of 1968 shot down three orthodoxies that had dominated mainstream political thinking in the 1950s and early 1960s.
Firstly, there was the illusion that the USA was an all-powerful but benevolent and democratic state. This illusion was dispelled by the Vietnam War and the struggles against racism in the US.
Secondly, there was the illusion that the Stalinist states of Russia, Eastern Europe etc were socialist or communist. That illusion was blown away when Russian tanks went into Czechoslovakia to crush the attempts by the more liberal “communist” leaders there to bring in reforms. This made very clear what genuine Marxists had known for a long time: that the so-called “communist” states were in fact bureaucratic state capitalist tyrannies. Genuine socialism does not just mean state ownership of the economy; it means the democratic control of society by workers themselves.
Thirdly, there was the orthodoxy that the working class was no longer a potentially revolutionary class. Academics and the media asserted that the working class was too “affluent” to be interested in radical change. This orthodoxy was shot down by the mass strike of 10 million French workers, as well as the many factory occupations/take-overs by workers, including white-collar workers, which were ignited by the student revolt in France.
As well as looking at the events of 1968, Harman looks at the return of capitalist economic crisis in the 1970s (following the “long boom” of the 1950s and 1960s); he analyses the upturn in working class struggle in the early 1970s; and he shows how reformist (social democratic and Labour Party) political and trade union leaders were used by the ruling class to dampen down the struggle, thus helping capitalism to survive.
The author himself was radicalised in the 1960s, and he continued to fight for “socialism from below” until his death in 2009. His ideas are still very relevant for anyone who wants to see a just, equal and peaceful world. This book shows how 1968 gave us a glimpse of how such a better world could be achieved.
Harman shows that the crises and revolts of 1968 shot down three orthodoxies that had dominated mainstream political thinking in the 1950s and early 1960s.
Firstly, there was the illusion that the USA was an all-powerful but benevolent and democratic state. This illusion was dispelled by the Vietnam War and the struggles against racism in the US.
Secondly, there was the illusion that the Stalinist states of Russia, Eastern Europe etc were socialist or communist. That illusion was blown away when Russian tanks went into Czechoslovakia to crush the attempts by the more liberal “communist” leaders there to bring in reforms. This made very clear what genuine Marxists had known for a long time: that the so-called “communist” states were in fact bureaucratic state capitalist tyrannies. Genuine socialism does not just mean state ownership of the economy; it means the democratic control of society by workers themselves.
Thirdly, there was the orthodoxy that the working class was no longer a potentially revolutionary class. Academics and the media asserted that the working class was too “affluent” to be interested in radical change. This orthodoxy was shot down by the mass strike of 10 million French workers, as well as the many factory occupations/take-overs by workers, including white-collar workers, which were ignited by the student revolt in France.
As well as looking at the events of 1968, Harman looks at the return of capitalist economic crisis in the 1970s (following the “long boom” of the 1950s and 1960s); he analyses the upturn in working class struggle in the early 1970s; and he shows how reformist (social democratic and Labour Party) political and trade union leaders were used by the ruling class to dampen down the struggle, thus helping capitalism to survive.
The author himself was radicalised in the 1960s, and he continued to fight for “socialism from below” until his death in 2009. His ideas are still very relevant for anyone who wants to see a just, equal and peaceful world. This book shows how 1968 gave us a glimpse of how such a better world could be achieved.
February 10, 2024
This is one of those books to read to learn about all the things you were lied to about in school…
Or at least things that were either left out or glossed over in history class.
This book was unusually hard to get a hold of. A conspiracist might theorize that “they” don’t want you to read it. A non-conspiracist might theorize that the demand for the book simply isn’t high enough to warrant making it easily accessible.
In any case, here are some examples of history I learned from this book that my old school classrooms either left out or glossed over:
• The Civil Rights Movement bordered on uprising. There was a lot more going on than “civil disobedience” and marches and speeches. No, the US government quite literally went to war with its people (in the forms of police brutality and FBI assassinations). In total across all the major events I’m referring to, hundreds died and thousands were injured.
• Intentional friendly fire among American soldiers in Vietnam was so common it even had a nickname: “fragging.” This was usually the murder of officers as frustration with the war boiled over.
• The largest workers’ strike in world history happened in France in 1968 and almost took down the government.
• Fascists were still happily in power long after WWII ended in Spain and Portugal and, in some cases, were even lightly supported by the USA.
• The Prague Spring was a pretty big deal, worth more than just a line in whatever footnote I originally heard about it in.
These are just a few examples. This isn’t propaganda either. Every claim is backed by a source. There are several endnotes on every page, with a long list of all references in the back of the book.
I give it 4 stars instead of 5 because some parts are hard to get through. Significant sections of the book can be paraphrased with this basic cyclical statement: “People in power exploited workers. Workers went on strike. Concessions were made on both sides. Workers went back to work. People in power exploited workers again. Workers went on strike again. More concessions. Back to work. Etc, etc.”
But in general, I view it as well worth the read. In the end, Chris Harman even predicts the current political climate, observing in the 90s that the world seemed to be heading “in slow motion” toward a repeat of the 1930s. He sure nailed that, didn’t he?
Or at least things that were either left out or glossed over in history class.
This book was unusually hard to get a hold of. A conspiracist might theorize that “they” don’t want you to read it. A non-conspiracist might theorize that the demand for the book simply isn’t high enough to warrant making it easily accessible.
In any case, here are some examples of history I learned from this book that my old school classrooms either left out or glossed over:
• The Civil Rights Movement bordered on uprising. There was a lot more going on than “civil disobedience” and marches and speeches. No, the US government quite literally went to war with its people (in the forms of police brutality and FBI assassinations). In total across all the major events I’m referring to, hundreds died and thousands were injured.
• Intentional friendly fire among American soldiers in Vietnam was so common it even had a nickname: “fragging.” This was usually the murder of officers as frustration with the war boiled over.
• The largest workers’ strike in world history happened in France in 1968 and almost took down the government.
• Fascists were still happily in power long after WWII ended in Spain and Portugal and, in some cases, were even lightly supported by the USA.
• The Prague Spring was a pretty big deal, worth more than just a line in whatever footnote I originally heard about it in.
These are just a few examples. This isn’t propaganda either. Every claim is backed by a source. There are several endnotes on every page, with a long list of all references in the back of the book.
I give it 4 stars instead of 5 because some parts are hard to get through. Significant sections of the book can be paraphrased with this basic cyclical statement: “People in power exploited workers. Workers went on strike. Concessions were made on both sides. Workers went back to work. People in power exploited workers again. Workers went on strike again. More concessions. Back to work. Etc, etc.”
But in general, I view it as well worth the read. In the end, Chris Harman even predicts the current political climate, observing in the 90s that the world seemed to be heading “in slow motion” toward a repeat of the 1930s. He sure nailed that, didn’t he?
May 5, 2026
Structural Organization The book is divided into logical parts that complement each other effectively. Each section serves a specific purpose in the overall context of the work. The introduction and the conclusion frame the main content in a traditional way. Look at the table of contents and internal layout via the link. >>> https://script.google.com/macros/s/AK...
November 7, 2009
One of the most concise and inspiring historical analysis I've ever read.
Displaying 1 - 6 of 6 reviews