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The Fire Last Time: 1968 and After
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410 pages, Paperback
Published January 1, 1998
17 people are currently reading
429 people want to read
About the author
Chris Harman
122 books185 followersBritish journalist and political activist for the Socialist Workers Party.
Harmann was involved with activism against the Viet Nam war but became controversial for denouncing Ho Chi Minh for murdering the leader of the Vietnamese Trotskists.
Harman's work on May 1968 in France and other student and workers uprisings of the late 1960s, The Fire Last Time, was recommended by rock band Rage Against the Machine in their album sleeve notes for Evil Empire.
Harmann was involved with activism against the Viet Nam war but became controversial for denouncing Ho Chi Minh for murdering the leader of the Vietnamese Trotskists.
Harman's work on May 1968 in France and other student and workers uprisings of the late 1960s, The Fire Last Time, was recommended by rock band Rage Against the Machine in their album sleeve notes for Evil Empire.
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Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews
December 6, 2017
Absolute best book ever!
Chris Harman clearly demonstrates the tendency of capitalism to enter into recurrent economic and political crisis, and explores the context and outcomes of one such period of crisis, the events of 1968-74. He looks at both the objective factors shaping this crisis, but also the subjective factors--the people and organisations which took part in these events, and the arguments they made about how to best go about shaping them.
Reformist forces such as the Stalinist and eurocommunist Communist Parties, various social democratic parties, trade union bureaucracies, etc, were able to restrain the struggles of workers and students, keeping them within the bounds of the capitalist system, ultimately allowing ex-fascists, hard-right conservatives and neo-liberal social democrats hack away at workers' gains over the next few decades. Revolutionary socialists, while making gains and playing an important part throughout these struggles, were not able to make use of the opportunities presented and follow through on the full potential of the situation. The potentials that existed can be seen in the actions of the students and workers, their inspiring self activity, their occupations of universities, factories and other workplaces, and the revolutionary conclusions many of them came to.
Harman examines the weaknesses of the revolutionary socialist groups--their theoretical and organisational failings, as well as the simple fact that at the start of 1968 these groups were tiny. The message of the book is clear: if you want to change the world for the better you need to be prepared for the next crisis of capitalism, the next revolutionary upsurge--the fire next time. You need to not only be in a revolutionary socialist organisation, but you need to be active. Only through activity can a group's theory be clarified, and only by putting in the effort to help the group grow can it be sizeable enough to take advantage of the opportunities that arise.
As Rosa Luxemburg said, we stand at a crossroads between socialism and barbarism. Reading this book helps you understand why the fire last time ultimately failed to reach socialism and instead led us back to the path we are on now: to the Iraq war and Guantanamo Bay; to offshore processing of refugees and the death of Alan Kurdi; to Milo Yianoppoulos and the United Patriots Front; to the NT intervention and Aboriginal kids in spit hoods; to the ABCC and the slashing of weekend penalty rates. And hopefully people reading it will be inspired to take action and get involved in socialist politics so that next time the opportunities presented will be grasped with both hands, the working class will bring an end to class-divided society, all forms of oppression will be abolished, and instead of the horrors of capitalism, humanity will be able to live under socialism.
Chris Harman clearly demonstrates the tendency of capitalism to enter into recurrent economic and political crisis, and explores the context and outcomes of one such period of crisis, the events of 1968-74. He looks at both the objective factors shaping this crisis, but also the subjective factors--the people and organisations which took part in these events, and the arguments they made about how to best go about shaping them.
Reformist forces such as the Stalinist and eurocommunist Communist Parties, various social democratic parties, trade union bureaucracies, etc, were able to restrain the struggles of workers and students, keeping them within the bounds of the capitalist system, ultimately allowing ex-fascists, hard-right conservatives and neo-liberal social democrats hack away at workers' gains over the next few decades. Revolutionary socialists, while making gains and playing an important part throughout these struggles, were not able to make use of the opportunities presented and follow through on the full potential of the situation. The potentials that existed can be seen in the actions of the students and workers, their inspiring self activity, their occupations of universities, factories and other workplaces, and the revolutionary conclusions many of them came to.
Harman examines the weaknesses of the revolutionary socialist groups--their theoretical and organisational failings, as well as the simple fact that at the start of 1968 these groups were tiny. The message of the book is clear: if you want to change the world for the better you need to be prepared for the next crisis of capitalism, the next revolutionary upsurge--the fire next time. You need to not only be in a revolutionary socialist organisation, but you need to be active. Only through activity can a group's theory be clarified, and only by putting in the effort to help the group grow can it be sizeable enough to take advantage of the opportunities that arise.
As Rosa Luxemburg said, we stand at a crossroads between socialism and barbarism. Reading this book helps you understand why the fire last time ultimately failed to reach socialism and instead led us back to the path we are on now: to the Iraq war and Guantanamo Bay; to offshore processing of refugees and the death of Alan Kurdi; to Milo Yianoppoulos and the United Patriots Front; to the NT intervention and Aboriginal kids in spit hoods; to the ABCC and the slashing of weekend penalty rates. And hopefully people reading it will be inspired to take action and get involved in socialist politics so that next time the opportunities presented will be grasped with both hands, the working class will bring an end to class-divided society, all forms of oppression will be abolished, and instead of the horrors of capitalism, humanity will be able to live under socialism.
February 10, 2024
This is one of those books to read to learn about all the things you were lied to about in school…
Or at least things that were either left out or glossed over in history class.
This book was unusually hard to get a hold of. A conspiracist might theorize that “they” don’t want you to read it. A non-conspiracist might theorize that the demand for the book simply isn’t high enough to warrant making it easily accessible.
In any case, here are some examples of history I learned from this book that my old school classrooms either left out or glossed over:
• The Civil Rights Movement bordered on uprising. There was a lot more going on than “civil disobedience” and marches and speeches. No, the US government quite literally went to war with its people (in the forms of police brutality and FBI assassinations). In total across all the major events I’m referring to, hundreds died and thousands were injured.
• Intentional friendly fire among American soldiers in Vietnam was so common it even had a nickname: “fragging.” This was usually the murder of officers as frustration with the war boiled over.
• The largest workers’ strike in world history happened in France in 1968 and almost took down the government.
• Fascists were still happily in power long after WWII ended in Spain and Portugal and, in some cases, were even lightly supported by the USA.
• The Prague Spring was a pretty big deal, worth more than just a line in whatever footnote I originally heard about it in.
These are just a few examples. This isn’t propaganda either. Every claim is backed by a source. There are several endnotes on every page, with a long list of all references in the back of the book.
I give it 4 stars instead of 5 because some parts are hard to get through. Significant sections of the book can be paraphrased with this basic cyclical statement: “People in power exploited workers. Workers went on strike. Concessions were made on both sides. Workers went back to work. People in power exploited workers again. Workers went on strike again. More concessions. Back to work. Etc, etc.”
But in general, I view it as well worth the read. In the end, Chris Harman even predicts the current political climate, observing in the 90s that the world seemed to be heading “in slow motion” toward a repeat of the 1930s. He sure nailed that, didn’t he?
Or at least things that were either left out or glossed over in history class.
This book was unusually hard to get a hold of. A conspiracist might theorize that “they” don’t want you to read it. A non-conspiracist might theorize that the demand for the book simply isn’t high enough to warrant making it easily accessible.
In any case, here are some examples of history I learned from this book that my old school classrooms either left out or glossed over:
• The Civil Rights Movement bordered on uprising. There was a lot more going on than “civil disobedience” and marches and speeches. No, the US government quite literally went to war with its people (in the forms of police brutality and FBI assassinations). In total across all the major events I’m referring to, hundreds died and thousands were injured.
• Intentional friendly fire among American soldiers in Vietnam was so common it even had a nickname: “fragging.” This was usually the murder of officers as frustration with the war boiled over.
• The largest workers’ strike in world history happened in France in 1968 and almost took down the government.
• Fascists were still happily in power long after WWII ended in Spain and Portugal and, in some cases, were even lightly supported by the USA.
• The Prague Spring was a pretty big deal, worth more than just a line in whatever footnote I originally heard about it in.
These are just a few examples. This isn’t propaganda either. Every claim is backed by a source. There are several endnotes on every page, with a long list of all references in the back of the book.
I give it 4 stars instead of 5 because some parts are hard to get through. Significant sections of the book can be paraphrased with this basic cyclical statement: “People in power exploited workers. Workers went on strike. Concessions were made on both sides. Workers went back to work. People in power exploited workers again. Workers went on strike again. More concessions. Back to work. Etc, etc.”
But in general, I view it as well worth the read. In the end, Chris Harman even predicts the current political climate, observing in the 90s that the world seemed to be heading “in slow motion” toward a repeat of the 1930s. He sure nailed that, didn’t he?
November 7, 2009
One of the most concise and inspiring historical analysis I've ever read.
Displaying 1 - 3 of 3 reviews