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Lethal Allies: British Collusion in Ireland
Farmers, shopkeepers, publicans and businessmen were slaughtered in a bloody decade of bombings and shootings in the counties of Tyrone and Armagh in the 1970s. Four families each lost three relatives; in other cases, children were left orphaned after both parents were murdered. For years there were claims that loyalists were helped and guided by members of the RUC and Ulster Defence Regiment. But, until now, there was no proof. Drawing on 15 years of research, and using forensic and ballistic information never before published, this book includes official documents showing that the highest in the land knew of the collusion and names those whose fingers were on the trigger and who detonated the bombs. It draws on previously unpublished reports written by the PSNI's own Historical Enquiries Team. It also includes heartbreaking interviews with the bereaved families whose lives were shattered by this cold and calculated campaign.
416 pages, Paperback
First published October 18, 2013
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July 15, 2014
Profoundly disturbing, Lethal Allies: British Collusion in Irelandexposes the central role of British 'security forces' and their agents in a murder campaign that resulted in at least 120 deaths. The campaign was centred in an area of Counties Armagh and Tyrone that became known as the 'Triangle of Death', but its reach extended beyond this area to an equally lethal effect.
The book raises two main trains of thought in my mind.
The first is in the content of the book itself.
The author sets her store early: the book focuses on the British security forces and Loyalist paramilitaries who combined to visit death and destruction on the Catholic population of the area. The book does not attempt to catalogue the activities of all the combatants active at that time. The Irish Republican Army and the mainstream British Army were engaged in their own campaigns, in this area and others, and their actions and histories have been recorded elsewhere - reported in the contemporary news media and in retrospective studies.
Cadwallader was previously a news journalist for BBC and RTÉ, and was a case worker for the Pat Finucane Centre for Human Rights at the time of writing this book. Her book has benefited from her access to research undertaken by the Finucane Centre and others which accessed official records at National Archives in both London and Dublin and from direct contact with the Historical Enquiries Team - a specialist police unit established after the Good Friday Agreement to review all the conflict-related deaths of the Troubles.
The first part of the book follows the sequence of killings from 1972 to 1978, and links official records and ballistic evidence to the the individuals who comprised, at various times, the 'Glenanne Gang'.
As well as the regular British Army forces on the ground at the time,(that is, Regiments recruiting and based in Gt Britain that were posted to the north of Ireland as part of their scheduled touring commitments)there was also a strong presence of locally recruited British Forces eg the police (Royal Ulster Constabulary and the RUC Reserve) and a local, home-based British Army regiment, Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR).
The most striking feature of this section is the identification of 24 members of the 'security forces' who were convicted of murder and other serious terrorist crimes. Others remain un-named because of the need not to prejudice any possible criminal cases, and in some cases the identities are unknown.
The next most significant feature to emerge is from the ballistic evidence. An internal British Army intelligence report indicates that loyalist paramilitary groups relied almost exclusively on weapons stolen from, or lost by, various UDR bases. Some of the weapons stolen from the UDR were subsequently used in multiple killings and attacks, sometimes featuring on 10 or more occasions.
Even at this far remove, it seems incredible that British Army weapons could be 'stolen' and then used in multiple attacks in a campaign that killed at least 120 citizens of the State by former and serving members of the British Security Forces over a 6 year period and yet the combined might of British Army and Police intelligence could remain unaware of either the gang or individuals.
Cadwallader's book identifies many of the failings of the police investigations at the time; evidence ignored, leads not followed, charges made for minor offences when charges of murder would have been more obvious. The police officers in the existing Historical Enquiries Team, again and again, cannot account for the appalling deficiencies in the police work attendant to the murders perpetrated by their security force colleagues.
That there was collusion between British Security Forces, both in the British Army and the local Police force, the RUC, is now beyond any credible doubt. The cases of collusion here in Cadwallader's book and in Belfast and other places highlighted by reports of the Police Ombudsman and others are not contested by any but the most obdurate apologist for state-sanctioned murder.
The question that remains unanswered, though, is how far up the chain of police, military and political command that collusion goes, in terms of turning a 'blind eye', or actively instigating and facilitating the foot soldiers on the ground. I suspect those answers may never be revealed.
The second train of thought arises from how this sordid tale departs from the mainstream representation of those days in the north of Ireland; in TV and other news channels, and in dramas, movies and novels that use that era and place as a setting.
The standard Troubles tale goes something like this: two fanatical Irish tribes at war, the British (usually English) as the force of civilized good keeping the nihilist Irish apart, a hero (SAS? MI5?) arrives to save the day, usually with the love interest of a terrorist's sister or some other cause for crisis of conscience (conflicted between tribal loyalty and love across the barricades, etc).
That was basically the plot for Gerald Seymour's Harry's Game in the 70's and has been more or less the template for the majority of novels and movies ever since. The variation on a theme may be something like a vulnerable, fragile loser being manipulated by 'Armchair Generals' who are actually criminal or political opportunists on the make.
Even the great Belfast writer Brian Moore, in his Lies Of Silence'Lies of Silence', follows the basic convention that there are good guys (police, army, security force of some kind) and there are bad guys (fanatical Irish 'terrorists', irrational purveyors of tribal hate and scorched earth revenge).
Most of these books, if they mention collusion at all, place the errant security forces people as an exception that proves the rule, an aberration, 'a few rotten apples', and the central tenet of good guys = official security forces and bad guys = fanatical terrorists still holds true.
That simple narrative, although convenient, seems a lot less palatable after reading Cadwallader's book even if the obvious question, of how high up the ladder the rot rose, is unlikely to ever be satisfactorily resolved.
The book raises two main trains of thought in my mind.
The first is in the content of the book itself.
The author sets her store early: the book focuses on the British security forces and Loyalist paramilitaries who combined to visit death and destruction on the Catholic population of the area. The book does not attempt to catalogue the activities of all the combatants active at that time. The Irish Republican Army and the mainstream British Army were engaged in their own campaigns, in this area and others, and their actions and histories have been recorded elsewhere - reported in the contemporary news media and in retrospective studies.
Cadwallader was previously a news journalist for BBC and RTÉ, and was a case worker for the Pat Finucane Centre for Human Rights at the time of writing this book. Her book has benefited from her access to research undertaken by the Finucane Centre and others which accessed official records at National Archives in both London and Dublin and from direct contact with the Historical Enquiries Team - a specialist police unit established after the Good Friday Agreement to review all the conflict-related deaths of the Troubles.
The first part of the book follows the sequence of killings from 1972 to 1978, and links official records and ballistic evidence to the the individuals who comprised, at various times, the 'Glenanne Gang'.
As well as the regular British Army forces on the ground at the time,(that is, Regiments recruiting and based in Gt Britain that were posted to the north of Ireland as part of their scheduled touring commitments)there was also a strong presence of locally recruited British Forces eg the police (Royal Ulster Constabulary and the RUC Reserve) and a local, home-based British Army regiment, Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR).
The most striking feature of this section is the identification of 24 members of the 'security forces' who were convicted of murder and other serious terrorist crimes. Others remain un-named because of the need not to prejudice any possible criminal cases, and in some cases the identities are unknown.
The next most significant feature to emerge is from the ballistic evidence. An internal British Army intelligence report indicates that loyalist paramilitary groups relied almost exclusively on weapons stolen from, or lost by, various UDR bases. Some of the weapons stolen from the UDR were subsequently used in multiple killings and attacks, sometimes featuring on 10 or more occasions.
Even at this far remove, it seems incredible that British Army weapons could be 'stolen' and then used in multiple attacks in a campaign that killed at least 120 citizens of the State by former and serving members of the British Security Forces over a 6 year period and yet the combined might of British Army and Police intelligence could remain unaware of either the gang or individuals.
Cadwallader's book identifies many of the failings of the police investigations at the time; evidence ignored, leads not followed, charges made for minor offences when charges of murder would have been more obvious. The police officers in the existing Historical Enquiries Team, again and again, cannot account for the appalling deficiencies in the police work attendant to the murders perpetrated by their security force colleagues.
That there was collusion between British Security Forces, both in the British Army and the local Police force, the RUC, is now beyond any credible doubt. The cases of collusion here in Cadwallader's book and in Belfast and other places highlighted by reports of the Police Ombudsman and others are not contested by any but the most obdurate apologist for state-sanctioned murder.
The question that remains unanswered, though, is how far up the chain of police, military and political command that collusion goes, in terms of turning a 'blind eye', or actively instigating and facilitating the foot soldiers on the ground. I suspect those answers may never be revealed.
The second train of thought arises from how this sordid tale departs from the mainstream representation of those days in the north of Ireland; in TV and other news channels, and in dramas, movies and novels that use that era and place as a setting.
The standard Troubles tale goes something like this: two fanatical Irish tribes at war, the British (usually English) as the force of civilized good keeping the nihilist Irish apart, a hero (SAS? MI5?) arrives to save the day, usually with the love interest of a terrorist's sister or some other cause for crisis of conscience (conflicted between tribal loyalty and love across the barricades, etc).
That was basically the plot for Gerald Seymour's Harry's Game in the 70's and has been more or less the template for the majority of novels and movies ever since. The variation on a theme may be something like a vulnerable, fragile loser being manipulated by 'Armchair Generals' who are actually criminal or political opportunists on the make.
Even the great Belfast writer Brian Moore, in his Lies Of Silence'Lies of Silence', follows the basic convention that there are good guys (police, army, security force of some kind) and there are bad guys (fanatical Irish 'terrorists', irrational purveyors of tribal hate and scorched earth revenge).
Most of these books, if they mention collusion at all, place the errant security forces people as an exception that proves the rule, an aberration, 'a few rotten apples', and the central tenet of good guys = official security forces and bad guys = fanatical terrorists still holds true.
That simple narrative, although convenient, seems a lot less palatable after reading Cadwallader's book even if the obvious question, of how high up the ladder the rot rose, is unlikely to ever be satisfactorily resolved.
September 29, 2014
Cadwallader takes great care to reconstruct the multiple murders of Catholic civilians in Soouth Armagh between 1972 and 1977. She includes photographs of almost all of the victims as well as quotes from family members describing these individuals they loved, and their special characteristics. She works hard to remind the reader that these were all individuals, with lives, often modest, and families who loved them. She describes the devastation that their murders caused their families and communities. It is important that she does this while at the same time describing each murder, for that is what they were, as coldly calculated, and often not random. Chillingly, victims were targeted either completely randomly, as in incidents where Catholic pubs were bombed and shot up, or because they were “successful”. In case after case, working class and lower middle class Catholics who were building better futures by creating new businesses and fixing up rundown properties, were targeted. The purpose was to drive out Catholics and destroy any dreams of “making it” in Northern Ireland.
Behind these killings were a handful of Protestant paramilitaries, many of whom also served in the RUC, the Northern Irish police force of the time. During this period, the British Army, and those managing things from London, saw Protestant paramilitaries as their allies in defeating the Irish Republican Army, IRA. The IRA was their common enemy. During these years, various Protestant paramilitary groups moved back and forth from illegality to being legal, to being declared illegal again. Protestant paramilitaries had access to weapons by virtue of having members who were in the RUC. Also, because they had ‘inside information’ they were able to launch multiple successful raids on British army depots and obtain weapons at times security was lax.
What is most condemning of the Northern Irish legal system of the time, and the RUC is the failure again and again to properly investigate these murders. Evidence was never collected, overlooked, lost, or simply ‘disappeared’. Families seeking answers were ignored, mistreated, and insulted. Something that I found most surprising was that the same weapons were linked to multiple murders, as were the same individuals. The most frightening was Robin Jackson, ‘the Jackal’, who was either single-handedly or as part of a group responsible for up to 100 murders. There murders were not random but intended to terrorize the Catholic minority in South Armagh, a largely rural area. These murders were referred to as “ridding the land of pestilence”, pestilence being Catholics. In all but one case, none of the 120 victims, except one, had ties to the IRA.
The first half of the books describes the murders and victims, and the second half describes the “collusion” mentioned in the subtitle. ColIusion is defined as “secret or illegal cooperation or conspiracy, especially in order to cheat or deceive others” and in this book as “turning a blind eye”. I expected collusion meant the work of British intelligence within the paramilitaries, and direct manipulation from London. Cadwallader doesn’t explain this collusion until Chapter 13 “From Dhofar to Armagh” in which she describes British counterinsurgency methods in former colonies including Kenya, and Oman. I wish this chapter had been at the beginning of the book, as by time I was two-thirds of the way through, I thought it wasn’t so much as case of ‘British collusion’ as stated in the title, but Northern Irish authorities and state collusion. I wondered if the title was an exaggeration and designed to sell the book. Much of the collusion is initially related to the fact that higher ups in the British Army, the RUC, and in London, ignored what was going on in Armagh. After reading Chapter 13, it was clearer to me what British collusion consisted of.
Lt. Colonel Colin Campbell Mitchell, who’d been active in counter insurgency in Oman, shared with a Guardian reporter Terry Coleman his preferred tactic for dealing with the IRA in this way:
I would send round a list of 100 suspects and then just start shooting them; by the time you’ve knocked off 10 of them the rest will be in Killarney….I’d like to have a machine gun built into every TV camera and then say to the IRA, “Come out. Let’s talk” and then just shoot the lot.
“After trial?” asked Coleman.
“That would be a complete waste of time.” Mitchell replied.
This is not a book for the casual reader, but a must read for anyone interested in the history of the Northern Ireland “Troubles”. It is well researched and documented. Cadwallader provides a good index in the beginning with all the various acronyms used. However, one, PPD was missing, and I had no idea what it stood for, although I could figure out it referred to prosecution. She repeats information in crucial places to help the reader through this complex history. Her aim is for a “truth recovery process”. I am still not convinced that this is the needed approach, but as an outsider, it is not for me to say. I would like to understand more about this approach versus the South African approach of Truth and Reconciliation. Interestingly, Padraig O’Malley, Moakley Professor of Peace and Reconciliation, McCormack Graduate School of Policy and Global Studies, at the University of Massachusetts in Boston, has been involved in both Northern Ireland and South African peace efforts. A native of Dublin, Padraig has devoted his life to peacemaking. Years ago, when I was a university student in Boston, I worked with Padraig, who organized a peace conference, where I met John Hume.
http://www.umb.edu/why_umass/padraig_...
Behind these killings were a handful of Protestant paramilitaries, many of whom also served in the RUC, the Northern Irish police force of the time. During this period, the British Army, and those managing things from London, saw Protestant paramilitaries as their allies in defeating the Irish Republican Army, IRA. The IRA was their common enemy. During these years, various Protestant paramilitary groups moved back and forth from illegality to being legal, to being declared illegal again. Protestant paramilitaries had access to weapons by virtue of having members who were in the RUC. Also, because they had ‘inside information’ they were able to launch multiple successful raids on British army depots and obtain weapons at times security was lax.
What is most condemning of the Northern Irish legal system of the time, and the RUC is the failure again and again to properly investigate these murders. Evidence was never collected, overlooked, lost, or simply ‘disappeared’. Families seeking answers were ignored, mistreated, and insulted. Something that I found most surprising was that the same weapons were linked to multiple murders, as were the same individuals. The most frightening was Robin Jackson, ‘the Jackal’, who was either single-handedly or as part of a group responsible for up to 100 murders. There murders were not random but intended to terrorize the Catholic minority in South Armagh, a largely rural area. These murders were referred to as “ridding the land of pestilence”, pestilence being Catholics. In all but one case, none of the 120 victims, except one, had ties to the IRA.
The first half of the books describes the murders and victims, and the second half describes the “collusion” mentioned in the subtitle. ColIusion is defined as “secret or illegal cooperation or conspiracy, especially in order to cheat or deceive others” and in this book as “turning a blind eye”. I expected collusion meant the work of British intelligence within the paramilitaries, and direct manipulation from London. Cadwallader doesn’t explain this collusion until Chapter 13 “From Dhofar to Armagh” in which she describes British counterinsurgency methods in former colonies including Kenya, and Oman. I wish this chapter had been at the beginning of the book, as by time I was two-thirds of the way through, I thought it wasn’t so much as case of ‘British collusion’ as stated in the title, but Northern Irish authorities and state collusion. I wondered if the title was an exaggeration and designed to sell the book. Much of the collusion is initially related to the fact that higher ups in the British Army, the RUC, and in London, ignored what was going on in Armagh. After reading Chapter 13, it was clearer to me what British collusion consisted of.
Lt. Colonel Colin Campbell Mitchell, who’d been active in counter insurgency in Oman, shared with a Guardian reporter Terry Coleman his preferred tactic for dealing with the IRA in this way:
I would send round a list of 100 suspects and then just start shooting them; by the time you’ve knocked off 10 of them the rest will be in Killarney….I’d like to have a machine gun built into every TV camera and then say to the IRA, “Come out. Let’s talk” and then just shoot the lot.
“After trial?” asked Coleman.
“That would be a complete waste of time.” Mitchell replied.
This is not a book for the casual reader, but a must read for anyone interested in the history of the Northern Ireland “Troubles”. It is well researched and documented. Cadwallader provides a good index in the beginning with all the various acronyms used. However, one, PPD was missing, and I had no idea what it stood for, although I could figure out it referred to prosecution. She repeats information in crucial places to help the reader through this complex history. Her aim is for a “truth recovery process”. I am still not convinced that this is the needed approach, but as an outsider, it is not for me to say. I would like to understand more about this approach versus the South African approach of Truth and Reconciliation. Interestingly, Padraig O’Malley, Moakley Professor of Peace and Reconciliation, McCormack Graduate School of Policy and Global Studies, at the University of Massachusetts in Boston, has been involved in both Northern Ireland and South African peace efforts. A native of Dublin, Padraig has devoted his life to peacemaking. Years ago, when I was a university student in Boston, I worked with Padraig, who organized a peace conference, where I met John Hume.
http://www.umb.edu/why_umass/padraig_...
July 25, 2014
Lethal Allies is an extremely well researched, highly disturbing narrative and analysis of the UVF terror campaign against the Catholic population in the Mid Ulster 'Murder Triangle', carried out from 1972-1978 by members of the organisation who were also members of the security forces, and assisted by, at best bungled, at worst deliberately sabotaged investigations by those in the RUC tasked with bringing justice to those involved.
Cadwallader makes it clear from the outset that the narrative excludes the terror campaigns of the IRA and other terrorist groups, but acknowledges that these were running in tandem with the UVF campaign, and in some cases controversial events like the Kingsmills massacre and the targeting of UDR and RUC Reservists in border areas were a direct result of the sectarian slaughter orchestrated by the Loyalist group. No doubt these events further justified, in the Loyalist minds, the action they were taking in the area, further fuelling the spiral evident at the time.
The fact that the involvement of security force personnel in this campaign has been well documented by the Historical Enquiries Team (HET) in NI is highly disturbing; the implication that the campaign was part of British policy in the country shocks even further. Cadwallader refers to British policy in other post ww2 counter insurgency campaigns throughout its empire, as well as US involvement in Central America, Iraq and Afghanistan as examples where 'loyal' paramilitary forces were trained and tasked with 'taking the war to the enemy' with devastating consequences, and makes a good argument suggesting that a similar, watered down version of this policy was in play in NI at the time. We may never know what roles MI5, the FRU, Special Branch etc played in deliberately sponsoring terrorist activity in the province, but names like Robin Jackson, James Mitchell, William McCaughey and many others can be added to the likes of Brian Nelson, Gary Haddock and Freddie Scappaticci as terrorists who were licensed to murder during the troubles, protected by their handlers from prosecution; this fact is made all the more disturbing by the day to day security force connections of the two dozen men implicated in the murders in the book.
Whatever the complexities, it's the ordinary victims who manage to find a voice through the narrative, a voice too often ignored in the aftermath of the atrocities in which their loved ones lost their lives. The often shoddy treatment of victims by the investigation teams is noted, and while some answers have been forthcoming through the work of the HET, Cadwallader argues for a Truth Commission style body, designed to find out what exactly did transpire. With so many victims of the conflict in both communities in the province, and so many narrative viewpoints of what happened, one wonders if this will ever come to pass.
A very important book on one aspect of the Troubles that many from the Unionist community / British establishment have sought to underplay in the past, and one that I'll be recommending and passing on to others.
Cadwallader makes it clear from the outset that the narrative excludes the terror campaigns of the IRA and other terrorist groups, but acknowledges that these were running in tandem with the UVF campaign, and in some cases controversial events like the Kingsmills massacre and the targeting of UDR and RUC Reservists in border areas were a direct result of the sectarian slaughter orchestrated by the Loyalist group. No doubt these events further justified, in the Loyalist minds, the action they were taking in the area, further fuelling the spiral evident at the time.
The fact that the involvement of security force personnel in this campaign has been well documented by the Historical Enquiries Team (HET) in NI is highly disturbing; the implication that the campaign was part of British policy in the country shocks even further. Cadwallader refers to British policy in other post ww2 counter insurgency campaigns throughout its empire, as well as US involvement in Central America, Iraq and Afghanistan as examples where 'loyal' paramilitary forces were trained and tasked with 'taking the war to the enemy' with devastating consequences, and makes a good argument suggesting that a similar, watered down version of this policy was in play in NI at the time. We may never know what roles MI5, the FRU, Special Branch etc played in deliberately sponsoring terrorist activity in the province, but names like Robin Jackson, James Mitchell, William McCaughey and many others can be added to the likes of Brian Nelson, Gary Haddock and Freddie Scappaticci as terrorists who were licensed to murder during the troubles, protected by their handlers from prosecution; this fact is made all the more disturbing by the day to day security force connections of the two dozen men implicated in the murders in the book.
Whatever the complexities, it's the ordinary victims who manage to find a voice through the narrative, a voice too often ignored in the aftermath of the atrocities in which their loved ones lost their lives. The often shoddy treatment of victims by the investigation teams is noted, and while some answers have been forthcoming through the work of the HET, Cadwallader argues for a Truth Commission style body, designed to find out what exactly did transpire. With so many victims of the conflict in both communities in the province, and so many narrative viewpoints of what happened, one wonders if this will ever come to pass.
A very important book on one aspect of the Troubles that many from the Unionist community / British establishment have sought to underplay in the past, and one that I'll be recommending and passing on to others.
March 29, 2016
Anne Cadwallader demonstrates that there was no sectarian war in Northern Ireland. The British command in Northern Ireland said in 1976 that the objective of Operation Banner was to "control terrorism in Northern Ireland." Not to stop it, but to control it. By 1980, both the republican command and the loyalist command were British agents. The state continues to cover up its terrorism, as the fine people at the Pat Finucane Centre will testify.
February 9, 2014
Nothing i didn't already know, Collusion has always been in the North from the minute they step on Irish soil. Britain will never tell the truth about what they did in the North of Ireland, because they like to tell the world they are a beacon of democracy and civil rights...
February 21, 2017
And the world has the nerve to call the IRA 'terrorists'.
October 12, 2020
Interesting and compelling
The book is a dry analysis of the events in Armagh and Tyrone in the 70’s. It is a little repetitive at times but this is unavoidable with the personnel involved.
I found the book compelling to highlight and list In a comprehensive way the collusion within the establishment.
The book is a dry analysis of the events in Armagh and Tyrone in the 70’s. It is a little repetitive at times but this is unavoidable with the personnel involved.
I found the book compelling to highlight and list In a comprehensive way the collusion within the establishment.
November 23, 2020
Lays out in chilling detail the catalog of crimes committed by men on the fringes of or actively serving in the security forces in mid-Ulster in the 1970s. RUC men taking statements at the scenes of crimes they committed gives you an idea if how absurd and dangerous this period was. An important book and well worth your time.
August 24, 2023
This book is a complex book and I feel possibly growing up in the area I understood it better. It was also harrowing and events I learned about in this book about my one family will forever shock me … relived trauma to read but such an important account
April 27, 2019
Very depressing and a scary book. Well written but so so sad.
October 24, 2020
Really interesting and informative but really quite dense and definitely not for some light reading
December 29, 2020
Brilliant book. Written with so much truth. Will keep this to read again.
January 7, 2022
Painful reminder into the murder of innocence by the very fabric of society that was suppose to protect it’s citizens.
July 12, 2023
Grim reading In a nutshell, the state allowed rogue loyalist psychopaths to kill innocent members of the nationalist community with very little chance of being brought to justice
July 11, 2015
Thoroughly documented
Excellent book, well researched and structured. Delves into British colonial policy worldwide and how it played out in NI, more so than I had read in the past.
Excellent book, well researched and structured. Delves into British colonial policy worldwide and how it played out in NI, more so than I had read in the past.
November 8, 2013
A must read
September 10, 2016
Outstanding.
January 3, 2014
An eye-opening and exhaustively documented account of state collusion in the murders of 120 people, mostly in Mid-Ulster, in the 1970s.
October 19, 2014
A must read for any student of Modern Irish History or The Troubles.
March 9, 2016
This thoroughly researched book is an eye opener for anyone who has ever doubted the collusion between the State, Intelligence community, police and terrorists in Northern Ireland.
Displaying 1 - 21 of 21 reviews