Grand explanations of how to understand the complex twenty-first-century world have all fallen short–until now. In The Second World, the brilliant young scholar Parag Khanna takes readers on a thrilling global tour, one that shows how America’s dominant moment has been suddenly replaced by a geopolitical marketplace wherein the European Union and China compete with the United States to shape world order on their own terms.
This contest is hottest and most decisive in the Second World: pivotal regions in Eastern Europe, Central Asia, Latin America, the Middle East, and East Asia. Khanna explores the evolution of geopolitics through the recent histories of such underreported, fascinating, and complicated countries as Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Colombia, Libya, Vietnam, and Malaysia–nations whose resources will ultimately determine the fate of the three superpowers, but whose futures are perennially uncertain as they struggle to rise into the first world or avoid falling into the third.
Informed, witty, and armed with a traveler’s intuition for blending into diverse cultures, Khanna mixes copious research with deep reportage to remake the map of the world. He depicts second-world societies from the inside out, observing how globalization divides them into winners and losers along political, economic, and cultural lines–and shows how China, Europe, and America use their unique imperial gravities to pull the second-world countries into their orbits. Along the way, Khanna also explains how Arabism and Islamism compete for the Arab soul, reveals how Iran and Saudi Arabia play the superpowers against one another, unmasks Singapore’s inspirational role in East Asia, and psychoanalyzes the second-world leaders whose decisions are reshaping the balance of power. He captures the most elusive formula in international affairs: how to think like a country.
In the twenty-first century, globalization is the main battlefield of geopolitics, and America itself runs the risk of descending into the second world if it does not renew itself and redefine its role in the world.
Comparable in scope and boldness to Francis Fukuyama’s The End of History and the Last Man and Samuel P. Huntington’s The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, Parag Khanna’s The Second World will be the definitive guide to world politics for years to come.
“A savvy, streetwise primer on dozens of individual countries that adds up to a coherent theory of global politics.” –Robert D. Kaplan, author of Eastward to Tartary and Warrior Politics
“A panoramic overview that boldly addresses the dilemmas of the world that our next president will confront.” –Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski, former national security advisor
"Parag Khanna's fascinating book takes us on an epic journey around the multipolar world, elegantly combining historical analysis, political theory, and eye-witness reports to shed light on the battle for primacy between the world's new empires." –Mark Leonard, Executive Director, European Council on Foreign Relations
"Khanna, a widely recognized expert on global politics, offers an study of the 21st century's emerging "geopolitical marketplace" dominated by three "first world" superpowers, the U.S., Europe and China... The final pages of his book warn eloquently of the risks of imperial overstretch combined with declining economic dominance and deteriorating quality of life. By themselves those pages are worth the price of a book that from beginning to end inspires reflection." –Publishers Weekly
Parag Khanna is Founder & Managing Partner of FutureMap, a data and scenario based strategic advisory firm. He is the international bestselling author of six books, has traveled to most of the countries of the world, and holds a PhD from the London School of Economics
If you're interested in International Relations and you're fed-up with the classic powergame-analysis, this is your book. Khanna has produced a book that is breathtaking in its scope: he covers almost the whole world (with the very sad exception of Subsaharan Africa), some 30 countries are screened, pointedly, most of them within 2-3 pages. The overall picture: the American empire is in decline, Europe is a very good alternative, but China will certainly rule the waves, by 2050. Khanna's great novelty is that he's takes globalism really serious. However, I do not fully agree with his too contemptive analysis of US politics and society. Plus, of course, in the meanwhile the book (2008) has become a bit outdated. Nevertheless, a great, informative and stimulating read.
Khanna's premise is that at present the first world is divided into three almost hemispheric-correlating power centers: the U. S., the European Union, and China. The countries making up the second world are those caught between the stable and prosperous and those who're poor and unstable, the third world. Khanna says those second world countries will determine, through alliances, which of the big 3 power centers will dominate in the future. He's heavily influenced by Toynbee's ideas of how the west can identify and challenge geopolitical stresses to help develop adequate responses to what some see as the natural decline of the west. Khanna's world is a geopolitical marketplace--the U. S., E. U. and China are businesses, and whoever has the most satisfied customers will be the strongest. He's careful to point out that the current competition, if unmodified or unduluted, will result in war. Underlying it all, of course, is the end of the American empire. His message is that history happens, even to America. The Conclusion, in which he describes just how steep and rapid is America's decline, is sobering. This is an interesting book, cover to cover. The geopolitical issues and problems are serious, he says, especially for America. Their losses and missteps, particularly, are always to China's and Europe's advantage. The arguments are convincing. But in the end Khanna becomes a little shrill, his examples noted as indicators seem selective, mentioned only because they support his arguments. In writing about crime and prisons, for instance, he calls America a penal colony. The careful, even-handed analyst of the earlier chapters becomes in the Conclusion, a demagogue on a soapbox.
Very good info but not great. In the end, it boils down to geopolitical concerns of natural resources vs globalization.
The two global impulse are geopolitics and globalization with concomitant access to natural resources, power, and stability. He states the 2nd world economies is where the opportunity as well as huge risks lie b/c of its unreliable governments. He states that the US should have a "diplomatic-industrial complex. The three superpowers in the world are the US with its diplomatic coalition building, the EU with its diplomatic consensus, and China with its consultancy approach to diplomacy. 2nd world success lies with aligning itself with one of the three superpowers or to play one off the other.
What continues to surprise me is how much access to natural resource energy supply influences geopolitical military considerations. What I once considered absurd going to war for oil, does not seem so out there anymore. After reading enough foreign policy books, I now see there is a definite connection between national security prerogatives and access to international natural resources.
I think he is correct in stating globalization is a force for world peace because countries deeply enmeshed in global supply chain will find it harder to break their interconnected economies just to declare war on its neighbor. I also agree with his assessment that before democracy can take root; people must be able to afford their basic necessity and they must have secure and stable government for trade to occur.
Geo-politically speaking, China remains the greatest "threat" to Pax Americana not the EU because the EU is too fragmented to go against long-term American interest whereas China is united politically. The "war" of the future will be mainly economic between countries and those who are interconnected via the global supply chain vs. failed states which will harbor terrorist groups. China competitive advantage is it's population and manufacturing output, American competitive advantage is its military might and innovative centers, and European competitive advantage is its marketplace that while per capita wage is less than the US, they have double the US population.
In the long-term, Khanna wants Congress to focus on debt reduction, infrastructure upgrade, education, and making innovation and entrepreneurial spirit continue to be synonymous with America.
EU and East European powers:
EU power will really come from dictating its regulations in order to skew its marketplace towards a more environmentally friendly world. According to Khanna since EU marketplace is the largest in the world their economic regulations will effect multi-national business if they want to partake in its huge marketplace. I wonder if part of the EU's strategy has to do with getting away from Russia energy-dependence. In the US, California will press for a more environmentally friendly US.
Russia petrocracy is dominated by energy sector of oil and natural gas reserve. Apparently, Gazprom and KGB complex is a dangerous complex that reinforces each other at the expense of liberal democratic institutions.
Ukraine proves that democracy without a strong leader who ushers it in cannot happen before conditions on the ground are met. In Ukraine, democratic movement led to the curse of 3rd world democratic governments everywhere, crony capitalism and oligarchy. But, at least, there is a conscious movement by the younger generation toward EU not authoritarian Russia. Once Ukraine falls solidly into the EU way of democracy perhaps there will be a domino effect into Russia so that liberal transparent democracy will shine in Russia too.
Balkans grass roots movements with Serbia and Bosnia are pushing for a more EU style democracy and away from ethnic loyalties that can push it to Iraqi-style sectarian violence. Bosnia and Serbia is the equivalent to Iraq and Afghanistan of Europe.
Caucus (Azerbaijan/Georgia) are countries important to Europe only as a pipeline of the Caspian Sea that is an alternate to Russian oil/gas dominance. So, it behooves the EU to stabilize this region toward a more EU-style democracy. But, because it is far from EU proper the only use of these Caucus countries is energy, the push to liberalize will not be there if endangers energy supply. Energy interests and democratization is the only hope for Georgia.
Turkey is the most powerful, secular, democratic Muslim state. The EU is hesitant to include Turkey into its fold because it is still a poorer per capita than the EU as a whole although it is part of NATO. The question is can the EU with its current precarious economic plight to include a poorer partner in Turkey with a large population? The US wants Turkey to be a part of the EU as a showcase to Muslim countries that the West and Muslims can work together for the common good.
The geopolitical upside for including Turkey in the EU versus the global jihadi movement is that it can use globalization from within to change the Arab world into a more moderate version of itself. Having an EU membership is an incentive, Turkey is being pushed to have more of a Western-style transparency as well as giving ethnic minority rights which ultimately is good for the rights of the individual. Turkey seems to have a good balance between military, secular, and Muslim elites. Unlike other Muslim countries, Turkey has forces that are pro-development, democratization, and modern Islam of the Alevi and Sufi variant. Even the AKP is a Sunni Islamist party that has a pro-European development and justice agenda.
Turkey's biggest geopolitical strategy that seems to be working is playing the US, EU, Russia, Iran, and Israel off each other thus making them a regional powerhouse. There biggest use to the EU is they are the final stop of the oil and gas pipeline of Russia, Iran, and, Caucus republics into Europe.
Central Asia:
The sphere of influence of Central Asian regions which include the -Stans and AfPak lies with China and Russia which are competing for regional influence. Apparently with the power vacuum left by the Soviet Union, China has created the Shanghai Cooperation Organization a la NATO which is a multi-organization that seeks stability within the region. If it were not for the failed state status that most of these countries have that breed Islamic extremism that seek the destruction of the West, I would say we should leave these states SCO to decide in its regional stability. China has the most influence in these authoritarian areas because it is pouring in money for infrastructure in exchange for oil reserves and it is staying away from democratization efforts.
This area is important for China and the EU because of its enormous oil and gas reserves as well as flow of illegal weapons, drugs, and Islamic militants. The issue is its inhospitable terrain and mixture of clashing ethnicities.
Russia Far East and Siberia although high in natural reserves has very low population whereas China is encroaching in Russian land because of its high population with nowhere to go. This can potentially be regional war because of population encroachment by Chinese vs. Russian land integrity.
Chinese province of Tibet and XinJiang are wanted by the Chinese because of its natural resource as well as the key gate way for trade of export of goods in exchange for inflow of energy from the -Stans. China seeks to integrate their territories into an internal whole by force if necessary as seen in Tibet and the Uygurs population of XinJiang province. Chinese also seek to repopulate these areas with Han Chinese similar to what White people did to the "unpopulated" West.
Kazhkstan is apparently the most successful of the -stan due to the dictator's good stewardship and liberalization and diversification of the economy. From among the -stan's, the private sector accounts for more of its economy and workforce. As oppose to Kazhkstan, Uzbekistan was the most promising because of its infrastructure, natural resources, and urban center has a stagnant economy because of Karimov pushed extreme nationalism and against globalization. The nationalism also began an extreme crackdown of all dissident which leads to the growth of Islamic extremism as the alternative to his regime. Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan are similar in its failure to take advantage of their pipeline gifts to cure the ills of their society.
The worst of the problems is the AfPak region in which weak government institutions has led to either totalitarian military rule or Islamic fundamentalism as the government of choice. China influences Pakistan more than America because of their development projects that China gives Pakistan. Apparently, the military owns the most businesses in Pakistan. Although America gives Pakistan military aid, we also demand Islamic crackdown within Pakistan thus causing a de-facto civil war in Pakistan. The alternative for America is worse because the alternative would be an Islamic regime within nuclear Pakistan or continuing terrorist training camps in the FATA regions.
South America and Mexico:
South America is plagued by political instability that gives rise to failed states that allow drug trafficking to the US. South America is important to the US for its trade, counter-drug trafficking efforts, and natural resources. Globalization has allowed South America to leave the US Western hegemony in favor of EU and China. Again for South America especially Venezuela, China is the ideal trading partner because they keep out of internal politics. Khanna implies in the tension between globalization and democracy, free trade always wins. South America benefits from the US insistence on free trade with Mexico, Brazil, and Chile reaping the greatest rewards.
In his chapter on Mexico, Khanna states US attempts to stem the tide of illegal immigration should include substantial development aid such as education grants so Mexican can compete with China in skilled manufacturing labor as well as micro-finance loans. Globalization inequalities combined with China predominance has led to massive Mexican unemployment which leads to a spike in illegal immigration into the US. Although American businesses benefit from the migrant workforce that allows lower pay for more working hours, illegal immigration is stressing American social services such as education and health care. Mexico is also the main drug trafficking route into the US in exchange for illegal guns that flow into border towns which are populated with organized crime.
Venezuela's Hugo Chavez shows the failure in the policy of democratization in areas with a large poor and uneducated population. Constant high energy prices has allowed Chavez to consolidate his power and squeeze the professional middle class that has allowed a massive brain drain in the area while further impoverishing the impoverished. Chavez seeks to unseat the US with China as its main export trading partner. Thus underscoring the huge problem of democracy diplomacy in place of our massive energy requirements.
Columbia's strong institution of the presidency, judiciary, and central bank has allowed foreign investment capital to continuously flow towards it. Uribe's efforts in "war on drugs" combined with neo-liberalism policies has brought stability to Colombia. But the lack of development funds in diversifying farmers crops away from poppy seeds and coca plants is simply shifting the drug growers to the periphery not getting rid of them.
Brazil is South America's main economic engine and harbinger of free-trade in the region because of its huge natural resource reserve combined with its massive economy combined with its unified Brazilian ethnic diversity which spans Africans with Lebanese, with Italians, with Japanese that are the largest outside of their respective countries. 80% of South America's top 500 companies come from Brazil. But like other globalized states there is rampant inequalities in Brazil with the bottom half unable to meet its basic needs thus creating unprecedented crime. Brazil is the poster child of the 2nd world.
Whereas Argentina used to be the go to South American the current distinction now goes to Chile. It seems that American-backed dictatorships are a good stepping stone to market economic prosperity from Pinochet's Chile, to Suharto's Indonesia, to Attaturk's Turkey, to Ben Ali's Tunisia. Other factors that contributes to Chile preeminence is significant German immigrant's work ethic to its present day investments in education and technology to its free trade agreements to China, US, EU, Japan, and South Korea. It also has low corruption in its government versus openness of its trade.
MIDDLE EAST: Arabic language and Islamization are the two regional forces shaping the Arab world today. The internet is a social activity for Arabs because Internet cafes is the preferred location where they surf. The concept of a United Umma is more of a concept than an actual reality. Arab regimes are more concerned with stability of their respective regimes than development or democracy, thus they will just develop just enough to be relevant but not too much to destabilize their regimes.
North Africa:
The reason that that the Spring Revolution started in North Africa is due to its proximity to the Europe and thus large trade that Europe represents. US AFRICOM was created to combat terrorist cells that sought to destabilize energy producing West African countries. American-backed strong man Ben Ali produced for Tunisia women's rights, widespread literacy/ home ownership rights, and social equality that it later led to him being ousted from power. Morocco is Europe experimentation on how to gradually liberalize an Arab country. Although still an absolute monarchy, the current King is liberalizing his country allowing political parties and dissident voices to form NGO's; thus allowing it to progress. Algeria's oil profits is its curse which has allowed the typical Arab dichotomy of military rule or Islamic fundamentalism to thrive.
Libya's Gaddafi regime clamped down on entrepreneurship but was ousted because Libyan's citizenship want freedom.
Egypt has water supply issues. Egyptian want a stable Palestine because they are straining the social service sector of Egypt similar to what illegal immigrants are doing to the US. Being the largest Arab state and its cultural, economic, and political hub underscores the importance of it being a stable democracy like Turkey in moderating Islamic militancy. Khanna states "Egypt is the Arab tipping point for both Islamism and democracy." The reliance of tourism as a major part of their economy as well as true democracy will moderate Islamic extremism in Egypt. If one combines America's democratic promotion with EU and Chinese development funds pouring into Egypt, Egypt should be well on its way to a productive modern society a la Turkey. Mumbarak being ousted really comes from Egyptian high unemployment and young population. Good thing economic diversification was on its way before the revolution broke out.
North Africa worst case scenario is that Islamist will take over and create a totalitarian rule. But if this happens, they will still have to focus in ruling a country rather than focusing externally toward global jihad. Iran's restless population shows that people do not like totalitarian regimes be if fascism, communism, or Islamism.
Israeli/Palestinian issue - Palestinian explosive population growth has made a Palestinian state as necessity for Israel if they want to keep their state Jewish.
Jordan - Jordan is a country of stability amid the region's wars thus profiting despite its dearth of national resources except for fresh water because the Arab middle class from Palestine to Syria, to Iraq, to Syria all go to Jordan away from areas where they are prosecuted. Like Morocco, the Jordanian monarchy is development oriented with excellent educational opportunities and inspiring a nascent IT sector. Foreign investment is pouring in because of its political stability and reverse brain-drain is occuring.
Syria - Baathist socialism combined with Asad's dictatorial regime has made Syria stagnant.
Lebanon - democracy masks sectarian division. Lebanon is not united over anything because of its sectarian division thus its weak state of affairs has allowed Hezbollah to be a government within a government and significant meddling of both Syria and Israel in domestic affairs.
Iraq - can devolve into Lebanese-type sectarian divisions that will weaken the Iraqi state so that ignificant interference between Syria/Saudi Arabia for Sunni loyalty and Iran domestic interference for Shia loyalty may destabilize the region. Meanwhile the Kurds will become more and more autonomous and may agitate for a greater Kurdistan. Clinton's strategy of nation building in the Balkans should have been emulated by Bush but Bush's neoconservatives did not believe in nation building so now we have a weak Iraq that may crack at any time.
Iran - Iran seeks strategic freedom from foreign interference. Although Iranian youth look to America as a model in freedom, they do not like American help in pushing for democracy; thus despite neoconservative criticism of Obama distancing himself from Iranian democratic movement, I believe it was the right move. Ayatollah's revolution successes has to do more with discontent with Shah and SAVAK rather than the general population wanting an Islamic government. Ahmadinejad was elected because of his populist appeal and anti-corruption agenda of a corrupt bureaucracy. Iran will remain a regional power because of its vast oil and gas reserves that demand hungry EU and China continuously buys, a strong army funded by its oil profits and weaponry upgrade from trade with China and Russia (supplies nuclear know-how). With a stagnant economy other than oil and increasing young unemployed population, the Islamic revolution is an anathema to the youth population of the country and looks to America as a friendly model.
Gulf States produce 40% of global energy output thus ensuring it to be a top geopolitical player into the foreseeable future. Because 70% of Asian energy needs come from the Gulf States, a drop in demand from US will not hurt it at all. Conversely because of the burgeoning global middle class oil and gas demand will continue to be high thus affecting the price. Today, America provides the Gulf States security with Qatar, Bahrain, and Kuwait as main basis. The Gulf State seek US protection as barrier to Saudi Wahhabism and Iranian Shia Islamism.
Saudi Arabia - Although the west loves Saudi's oil and gas reserves, we are scared by the royal family derives its legitimacy from funding Wahhabism which in turn funds Islamic militants across the world. While Wahhabism is practiced by many Saudi's, the royal and business elite live amoral lives of loose women and material excess. Because of the 911 oil spike in price, the Saudi's have begun a redevelopment of much of its land thus allowing increase education and diversification of the economy.
UAE: Abu Dhabi and Dubai are the twin HK and Las Vegas of the Arab world where high finance mixes with the go-to sin city character in the Arab world. UAE proves where there is ultra-strict excess of religious interpretation, there will be excess in materialism and sexual underground as a counter force present. Dubai workforce are basically modern day immigrant slaves.
This book is going to shape my worldview for a long time, I think. It's a great overview of how the current geopolitical powers (U.S., the E.U. and China) exert their influence on "second world" (i.e., partially developed) countries, and how those countries can best interact with the big guys to further their own development. Let's just say the U.S. better get its act together fast if it wants to stay a first-world country.
Khanna is clearly an excellent researcher and theorizer, but he also writes with a playfully poetic voice.
All about politics and economics of first, second and third world countries affected by globalisation and geopolitics. A great insight of the societies of the world. Khanna uses a lot of images in his language to display opinions, and it works very well.
Summarised: USA jumps into a conflict and ultimately, makes a fool of itself. EU comes along and establishes diplomatic talks, invests and build democracy through either expansion or its neighbourhood policy. China buys everyone out and wins. This is globalisation.
I’ve read his chapters on the Middle East; Egypt, Saudi, and the rest of the GCC states. I expected far more from this book. While Khanna’s style of writing is really attractive, the amount of information, research, and even analysis was really shallow. Nothing in the Middle East chapters more than what you read in NYT, TIME, or Newsweek.
The Second World: Empires and Influence in the New Global Order is the second book I read in the last two months by Parag Khanna and it is all about supply chain management, how the first world countries led by US and Europe usurp the natural resources of the poor countries and in that process how some counties in Asia and especially in Africa become poorer. It also demonstrates that in this race how US and EU are losing the race to China and other ASEAN countries. The primary reason I picked up this book was to know more about the future prospect of Asia, especially that of Arabian peninsula, Central Asia and South East Asian countries and Parag Khanna doesn't disappoint. This book was published in the year 2008 but most of the statistics he quotes were of the year 2005-2006 and in the intervening period of last 14-15 years so much has changed. China has become economically much more prosperous and technologically much more advanced during this time and US has as much weaker. Some of the cities in China like Shenzhen, a major city in Guangdong Province has become much more digitally advanced than Silicone Valley in California and the chasm between the two is growing year after year and by the year 2030 China will overtake US in the high tech arena including AI. No wonder why Trump abuses China day in and day out because US thinks it is their divine right to police the world but that role is slipping away from their hand.
To conclude this is a fascinating book with full of new ideas and information about the power play among three prominent protagonist in the world stage today, where US declares wars, attacks, occupies, gets defeated and retreats after getting humiliated, EU engages in diplomatic offensive and sometime wins and sometime loses and China goes out with money bag and buys the whole countries without giving a damn about democracy, human rights, rule of law or any principles and wins most of the times. A very readable book indeed.
This scope of this book was extremely ambitious. Basically an overview of all of the pivotal countries and regions of the world. The author is well-traveled and has been to all of these places and talked with local people there, giving him valuable perspective. The theme of the book was less ambitious, which was probably why I liked it much better than Huntington or Fukuyama. The world is too complicated to fit into a single geopolitical metaphor. Khanna's theme is that we are moving into a multipolar world with the US, Europe, China (and to some degree Russia, Brazil, and China) as great powers, vying to exert influence upon the rest of the world. The "second world" refers not to the traditional Cold War definition, but rather to those regions and countries that might tip the balance of future geopolitical struggles. These countries are not mired in the depths of poverty that "third world" Africa finds itself in. South America, Eastern Europe, Southeast Asia, all constitute potential rising spheres of power and the alliances that they form might tip the balance in favor of any of the great powers.
The book was well-written and interesting, but it grew a bit boring eventually. The analysis is a bit shallow as one might expect (no one can be an expert on every country in the world). And, as is often the case in these books, the language is a bit superficial. Still, an interesting and enjoyable book.
Good, though one-sided view of the world. Would read it for sure, but look for other material to complement the view and take this book as the "first step to know the current international relation plainfield" and "first guide for strategic studies".
Never in my life have I read a book that was so consistently wrong. Every bit of analysis made and every prediction are just so bafflingly false that I was almost impressed. I give it two stars instead of one only because reading it was a really enjoyable experience. Every chapter brought an assertion that was even crazier than the last, and I got a good laugh out of every one.
Khanna uses the word "diaspora" about fifty times throughout the book like he had just learned the word before starting. Also, once every four or five pages we get a quote from some totally real person not named Parag Khanna that the author definitely talked to. Who needs citations? All the quotes are basically the same, which is another sort of punchline scattered through the book. "'I agree with Parag Khanna completely, and I live in the place he's talking about, so you should too.' mused a Sunni former diplomat-surgeon selling kabobs outside of the Bosnian embassy in Moscow." Also, every country is really at least four countries, and every region on Earth is like the Balkans in some way. Another favorite trend of mine is his painfully bad metaphors which he always has close at hand. "Just like the cevapi the region is known for, the former Yugoslavia is a lot like a bunch of sausages rolling around together and getting grease all over my fingers."
The real factual and logical errors are two many to list, so I'll pick a few of his heavy hitters. He claims that the EU worked an economic miracle on Ireland, Spain, and Portugal just like it will soon work a miracle on Eastern Europe. Just look at those regions today and you'll see how crazy this is. Slams Hugo Chavez for being a part of OPEC and thus controlling the amount of oil being extracted, as well as for a few bald-faced lies. Criticizes China for building hospitals, putting up telephone lines, reducing school costs, and creating jobs in Xinjiang (These are his exact words!). And just a million more absurdities.
I wouldn't recommend reading at all, but if you're informed and pick this book up without knowing it's quality, you'll have a good laugh.
I had really high hopes for this book. I thought it would provide a good introduction and overview on developments in such diverse regions as Central Asia, the Magrheb and the Mashreq. Plus, it trumpeted its status as an NYT Idea of the Year on the back cover.
I've since come to the conclusion that the high praise for Khanna's book came from people who don't actually know anything about the regions covered in The Second World. And don't mind the fact that Khanna's book is really a collection of punchy (albeit unsubstantiated) soundbites. It's not that I expect a book that covers half the world in 30 chapters to provide a nuanced and in depth view of sociopolitical developments in each country. But I do think that Khanna's woeful lack of attention to accuracy and substantiation is shocking.
I don't know very much about the places covered in Khanna's book (that's why I read it after all). But I do know a bit about Asia. And the last 5 chapters on developments in Asia horrified me. There were factual inaccuracies (Khanna claims that Singaporeans divorce at the world's highest rate, which I believe is untrue) and plenty of hyperbole ("Like the EU, ASEAN experienced its Bosnia-like moments after the Cold War: the Asian financial crisis, Indonesian forest-fire haze, the East Timor intervention and the SARS outbreak" - to compare these developments to "Bosnia-like moments" is frankely ludicrous). Essentially, the section on Asia made me question whether I could trust anything that had been written in the previous chapters. Had the section on Asia come first, I believe I would have stopped reading the book entirely (something that I've almost never done).
A dangerous book to read, for those who think this will give them an insight into the Second World. Khanna comes across as someone hoping to be treated as an intellectual, but is really a hack looking for a soundbite.
إذا كان التاريخ هو الذاكرة الذى تعمل إلى الخلف فقط فهو أردئ أنواع الذاكرة ، و الجغرافيا السياسية على عكس ذلك فهى تنظر إلى الخلف بهدف التطلع إلى الأمام .. كيف كان العالم ؟ من كان يملك ؟ من سيملك ؟
اختيار مجتمعات العالم الثانى كمحور إهتمام اختيار أمثل ، مجتمعات العالم الثانى تحدد شكل العالم .. و هم وحدهم من يملكون القدرة على التحكم فى مصير دول العالم الأول و تحديد مدى قوتها و تأثيرها على الشأن العالمى ، فمجتمعات العالم الأول لا تكون كذلك من دون مساندة او التحكم القهرى أو الإختيارى فى مجتمعات العالم الثانى . مسألة حدود و موارد و أيقونات إقتصادية عالمية ثم يأتى بعد ذلك دور تلك الترسانات العسكرية ، و من قال أن الحروب و الإحتلال فى شكله القديم انتهى يوماً ؟!
الولايات المتحدة و الإتحاد الأوربى و الصين ، الذى يرى باراج خانا أنها الثلاث قوى العظمى المسيطرة اليوم تتقدمهم الولايات المتحدة بفارق و لكن الإتحاد الأوربى و الصين سيتصدرون المشهد يوماً لا محالة و دليل على ذلك تلك الخطوات الواثقة الذى يسير بها كلاً منهما يرسمان بها دوراً محدداً فى العالم يجعل الجميع يحتاج إليه و محاولة لتهميش دور أمريكا . صراع الدولار و اليورو و الين .. المؤلف لا يرى روسيا قوى عظمى مصنفة و السبب فى ذلك مساحتها الشاسعة و اختلاف ثقافة شعوبها .
شعوب أخرى تكافح و تناضل حتى يمنحوا الفرصة لذويهم أن يقررا إذ كان يريدون أن يكون لهم صوت مسموع عالمياً تقدمهم الراحل هوغو تشافيز و شعبه و يحاول أن يخطو فى نفس الفكر .. البرازيل و الأرجنتين كل بسياساته المختلفة . أما بخصوص هذه المنطقة (منطقتنا) فيبدو أنها منذ زمن بعيد قررت أن تكون تابع لمن يسيطر ، لا دور لها غير تقويته بمواردها الغنية و أهمها النفط .. و لكن لا كلمة لها فى تحديد من يسيطر. شعوب مناضلة و شعوب مناضلة تقتلتها و تكتمها حكامها.
فى آخر الكتاب يستهجن المؤلف التردى الأخلاقى للسياسة الخارجية الأمريكية و الخطط الخارجية بعد هجمات الحادى عشر من سبتمبر الذى تزيد كره العالم لهم ، لدرجة جعلت الأمريكيين أنفسهم غير متأكدين من إذا كان الإنخراط فى الشأن العالمى يستحق كل هذا العناء وبدلاً من أن يبنوا إستمثاراتهم فى نيويورك ، أصبحوا يفضلون عليها لندن و هونج كونج .
The basic concept of this book is tantalizing: a survey of the "second world" - those countries which straddle the economic line between the developed countries of the first world and the poor countries of the third world. Unfortunately, Khanna is a glib"citizen of the world" who tries too hard to seem knowing. I almost put the book down when I saw the title of the first chapter: "Brussels: The New Rome." Excuse me? What follows was a short (6 pages!) description of the wonders of the European Union that read like it was written by the EU's mom.
A few pages later, I put the book down for good when I read the following "insight" about Russia: "The former KGB headquarter in Moscow is now a high-class disco: Russians today are consumers, not citizens. In the unfolding hypercapitalist coup, the SUV with tinted windows is the vehicle of choice for the perpetually insecure business caste that lives each day like its last, partying with exotic lions and dominatrix dancers, complete with plenty of caviar."
"Hypercapitalist coup?!" I agree that Russia is up to something, but what Khanna describes is about 5 years out of date. If there is such a thing as a "Bad Friedman Award" (like a "Bad Hemingway Award") for Internationalists, Khanna would win first prize.
I thought for a few weeks last year that Parag Khanna would be the next big thing. I couldn't help but like him, he'd written a brilliant NYT magazine article and he looked so dapper... But a brilliant article can easily get stretched into a bland and plodding book. After the Russian Devolution and Ukranian chapters (which were informed and enjoyable) it was all progressively downhill and muddy. It wasn't that anything Khanna wrote was objectionable, but very little in the book convinced me to trust that the author's global predictions. Everything I agreed with was already obvious. If Khanna commands authority, I've decided it's less Francis Fukuyama and more more Andre Leon Talley. Like the Vogue editor, Khanna doesn't waste time with caveats or conditionals, he just pronounces--whether gushing about the UAE (a model for governance!?) or how the Shanghai Corporation is revolutionary... He could just as well say "clearly high-heeled booties have become the new workday staple".
I would take Brent Scowcroft, Fareed Zakaria, Martin Wolf, Andrew Bacevich or even Tom Friedman and Amy Chua any day for a survey of the American empire in a multipolar world. Instead of 'Second World', I suggest the Jan 08 NYT article and a good dose of The Onion's 'Our Dumb World'.
كتاب يستخدم لغة تحليل بسيطة لفهم التحركات السياسية في العالم، ويقدم تصور معين لتنامي النفوذ الصيني، وتالياً أستعرض أهم الأفكار التي تناولها: -يقدم الكاتب تصور معين للنظام العالمي الحالي، الذي يراه بأنه لم يعد أحادي القطبية الأمريكية، فالتكتلات الكبرى الناشئة في العالم تزعزع هذا النظام أو يمكن القول بأنها بدأت في تغييره فعلاً. ليصبح العالم الحالي ثلاثي الأقطاب- أمريكا، أوروبا، الصين-، وكل طرف يحاول توسعة فضائه الجيوسياسي، لا العمل على تعزيز العولمة وإيجاد نظام عالمي مشترك. - ويرى الكاتب بأن أوروبا تمثل النظام الغربي بشكل أرقى من الولايات المتحدة التي لم تعد سيدة العالم "الراقي" وربما تحولها لدولة من العالم الثاني مجرد مسألة وقت. - ويرى في روسيا دولة إقليمية على أكثر تقدير، ومشاكلها الداخلية -عدم التجانس السكاني، والكثافة السكانية القليلة شرقاً، وضعف الاقتصاد- يحول دون اعتبارها دولة عظمى. - يطرح الكاتب طرق تعامل الأطراف الثلاث مع قضايا العالم المختلفة وخصوصاً دول العالم الثاني. - ويقدم في خاتمة الكتاب صورة تشاؤمية للنظام العالمي الجديد الذي تزداد فيه المنافسة ويقل فيه التعاون ويكثر فيه تجاوز الأمم المتحدة من قبل الدول القوية عملاً بالسنة التي سنتها الولايات المتحدة. ويقتبس في نهاية الكتاب مقولة للعبقري ستيفن هوكينغ:"في هذا العالم الفوضوي سياسياً واجتماعياً واقتصادياً، هل يمكن للجنس البشري البقاء لمئة سنة قادمة؟؟!!".
It's pretty well-writtten, and he seems quite knowledgeable about a pretty wide range of countries.
His point is that there are a lot of countries out there that aren't quite 'first world' but have advanced beyond 'third world.' Each chapter (more or less) is about a different country, where they've been and where they're going. Sometimes it seems like the main point is which of the three current dominent economies/cultures (US, European Union, China) will most take hold in the country in question.
His choices are a little odd (Iran is not 3rd world, but India is? Israel isn't first world, and Venezuela and Columbia aren't third world?) But whatever. I certainly learned a lot (In the 1920's, Iran's GDP was bigger than Spain's?!).
One problem is that with all the dipping in and out of different countries, I forgot things as fast as I was learning them. The other main problem is that it was written in 2008, so some of it is out of date. He was pretty prescient about Egypt, but the chapters on Ukraine and Syria are just a waste of space now.
This book is a global tour of a dizzying number of nations that is supposed to illustrate Khanna's assertion that there are three "empires" in today's world, China, the European Union and the U.S. This is an interesting and readbale book but I would have preferred a fuller exposition of Khanna's thesis illustrated by a few in-depth examinations of say, 5-7 countries. His attempt to name them all leads to a kind of superficial expertise, as when he talks about the way Islamic extremists are taking over 'pesantren', Islamic schools like madrasah, but the asserts that the two largest Muslim organizations in the world are Indonesian and offer some hope of a counter to the extremists. Of the two, Nahdatul Ulama is composed of Islamic teachers, including and largely led by the heads of 'pesantren' and the other, Muhammadiyah, grew out of the same roots in the writings of certain Egyptian Muslim intellectuals as most of the jihadists. Those facts are most relevant and worthy of further treatment than the mere mention Khanna gives the two organizations.
My Review Inspired by Arnold Toynbee’s 1958, 12 volume A Study of History; Parag Khanna grasp of the current world condition is written from the perspective of a serious and concerned world citizen. Khanna gives the reader historic background ancient and recent and gives us quotes leaders from the four corners of the planet and everywhere between. He doesn’t just skim over the top but gives detained information that only increases a desire to delve deeper into each country and situation we find ourselves in today. He especially helped open my eyes to today’s events in North Africa and the rest of the Middle East. This read is a must.
would recommend the book by Fareed Zakaria: The Post-American World and another by Parag Khanna: The Second World: Empires and Influence in the New Global Order. Both books offer thoughtful insights in the ongoing shifts in the balance of power that reshape the international order. They provoke discussions on the opportunities and challenges that America faces as its relative power declines and as it adapts to an increasingly multi-polar world. These books and the discussion surrounding them inspired me to offer a seminar "The New Economic Order in the Post-American World" this winter. - Anu Bradford
Read like a series of briefing notes. He rightly critizes the US but fails in his conclusion to offer needed changes to US policy. Given his admiration for the EU and the Chinese, he could have suggested ways the US could emulate their examples. I question his analysis of Venezuela (anti) and Columbia (pro) - surprisingly one sided given his balanced approach elsewhere. He alludes to but does not outright state the damage the Washington consensus and IMF shock therapy did to US credibility in Latin America. Finally his dismissive attitude towards Russia and India was surprising and not justified by him.
I like this book. It is certainly informative in what I was looking for. However, I find myself questioning as I am reading. The biggest question for me is whether it is still valid in 2012. The world has changed since this book was written and it is this new, changed world that I want to understand. There are plenty of other books on my summer reading list that I hope will serve my search just as well. I am putting this one down reluctantly after 60 pages. I look at chapters unread and wish it were not so. But the doubt has taken over. Just a note: To my eye, this is one of the most beautiful dust jackets ever. Kudos to the designer.
I will admit to not reading this cover to cover. I was interested in reading the section on Central Asia, in addition to the introduction and conclusion. I thought the author provided a decent overview of various countries classified as "Second World" but almost tried to do too much. I felt like I wanted a deeper analysis than was present in this book, and thought this might be in the conclusion. However, the conclusion was a long discussion of how the United States may be descending into Second World status, an argument that I did not entirely agree with.
Started with great interest, got dragged down in the youthful, pompous academic style which inhibited communication. I believe there were some great ideas in there and also many good facts and situations, however the style and density put me off. Probably great for a college class or background basics for a thesis or work. I suppose I was looking for a more approachable read at the time. I could return to this at some later date and find it what I was looking for, given the topic, however, with so many books in the world ...
I never saw a book use the word "diaspora" as much as this one. I actually want to go back and count.
That said, an interesting book that covers a tremendous amount of ground. Perfect for my short attention span, the chapters read more like magazine articles, something you'd encounter in The Economist, perhaps. I've read some other reviews of this book stating that there was a serious need for fact checking, but it could possibly be that the author's tone is less factual, more opinionated. Certainly not a fan of the US.
Parag Khanna was an emerging hot-shot commentator on international relations and emerging markets that fizzled around the time we stopped using the term BRICS. As I look back over my notes, it's amazing how he got away with being so politically incorrect: "There are limits as to how far a civilization can advance when people pray five times a day and live in the paralyzing heat of the desert."
I remember enjoying the book because it was a helpful primer on emerging market countries when Brazil, Russia, India and China were all the rage.
Fantastic book, one of my favorites, must read for anyone interested in foreign affairs. An insightful discourse on the 21st century three-way geopolitical struggle between the US, Europe and China and each superpower's method of trying to conquer the Second World. Although, Khanna downplays the role of Russia in the game; but the book was written before the context Georgian war and Russia's more recent/overt meddling in Ukraine.
This book should be required reading for everyone in foreign affairs. For me it was a total eyeopener into the shifting political loyalities of the inbetween countries. Empire building, naturl resources, trade routes, corruption and greed, fear and military build up, ecological disaster, criminal syndicates in government, spies and doublecrosses: these are our world history and our present day state. The odds are stacked against us.
This dude can write well, but he is a hyped up fuck up. Says, Palestine issue can be solved by infrastructure and greater flow of capital. Now isn't that utopian? So what's wrong with the utopian notion of attaining statehood. Zizek is right when he says under a global capitalist order the most realistic solution is portrayed as the most utopian.
The book isn't a complete waste of time simply because he is a good writer, but there ain't much to learn from this shit text.
A graduate student's mind dump of information and disembodied quotes about rising countries and the struggle for their place in the world. Not my favorite, but a good overview of the emerging world order from a geo-economic perspective. A good companion book is Robert Kagan's The Return of History and the End of Dreams.
As a man woefully naive of current day political, economic and military power, this served as a fascinating geopolitical tutorial. Book's made up of bite sized snapshots of countries and powerbases around the world which for all that they might be a little short on detail are highly relevant and very readable.