What really struck me from this epic is how the "golden era" of post-war prosperity was not handed out on a platter to workers in an economic boom, but wrested in bitter and often bloody struggle by organised labour from the employers and government, and at times against the opposition or treachery of their own union leaders, even.
I knew of the sit-down strikes and labour explosions of the 1930s to some degree. But it was news to me that the wartime labour laws barely suppressed the ongoing workplace unrest and rebellion, leading to the US' greatest strike wave at the end of the war, in 1946. Whereas earlier strikes had mainly been for union recognition and the right to bargain, leading to the formation of the CIO union federation, after the war they were increasingly for pay rises, an end to speed-ups, shorter work weeks and so forth. And the 1946 strike wave was followed by another enormous strike wave in 1949-50, and the 1950s themselves were a decade of intense labour unrest, despite the anti-communist witch-hunt and the ongoing divisions fostered by segregation and racism (all of which are described in some detail here).
Art Preis was a participant and a partisan in all these affairs. That is probably makes the book so lively and readable, because he was there and saw a lot of it, and because he believed in it. As a sometimes union militant I can sympathise with the tales of picket lines (often far more violent than anything I've witnessed, with legions of thugs and national guard, armed with everything up to machine guns, being deployed against pickets at times); I remember wryly the sting of defeat snatched from the jaws of victory by hopeless, peace-at-all-costs union leaders. So a lot of Preis' critique rings true enough.
On the other hand, his partisanship probably leads to some flaws. For one, the Communist Party (CP) are probably treated unfairly; they are referred to throughout with the dismissive label "the Stalinists". According to Preis they didn't do just about anything useful at all after a brief period in the early 1930s when they made headway in organising unemployed workers and some early strikes. It seems unlikely that the whole party was as rotten as he makes out, the whole time.
For reasons that I can't quite fathom, perhaps to present a sense of objectivity, Preis also makes very few references to his own organisation, the Trotskyist Socialist Workers' Party (that was unfairly expelled from the CP in 1929, probably colouring his dire views of its subsequent course). Another reviewer commented that he then tends to present the mass of workers as noble proles forever clashing with or being sold out by the corrupt, class-collaborationist union leaderships. I'm not sure if he's hiding his own party's role, perhaps to protect the identities of active members, or if their membership declined so rapidly that they played no appreciable role in postwar events. I'll leave that to the historians.
An interesting, inspiring and important chapter in world labour history, and as much as things have changed in how the working class is composed today, it does bring home what I said at the start: capital doesn't give out prosperity to the working class unless it's forced to - something plainly obvious today, too.