Like Piaget's first two books, which I read earlier this year, The Child's Conception of the World is the first part of a two-volume work, of which the second part is The Child's Conception of Physical Causality, which I will hopefully get to next month. The first two books dealt with the development of language and logic in children, while according to the introduction these two deal with the evolution of their beliefs concerning reality and causation, but the distinction is not really all that sharp and the basic ideas are the same: egocentrism, syncretism, animism, pre-causality and so forth. The method in these two books is less based on recording spontaneous behaviors and statements by the children than in the previous books and more on questioning them, which leads to more uncertainty as to the validity of the results; there is also a certain amount of reliance on anecdotal memories of adults about their childhood beliefs, which I would almost entirely disregard. As in the previous books he divides the process into "stages" which are sequential and roughly (on average) correlated with various ages.
He admits that the method used does not justify placing particular individuals in particular stages, but argues that the existence of the stages can be discovered by statistical averages, and confirmed by the fact that what is not understood at one stage is in fact understood at later stages. I think that he is strongest in the negative aspects, that children in a lower stage are not able to make distinctions which are obvious at a later stage; I think he is weakest in his claims as to how "we", that is educated European adults, think -- there is in my opinion a strong bias toward idealist and perhaps even Christian conceptions, which is probably to be expected given the date at which he was writing.
He begins by trying to discover what children think that "thinking" is, and concludes that originally (stage one) children identify thinking with making an effort to understand something, to figure something out, rather than considering the ordinary obvious thinking which goes on all the time, and identify it as a kind of speech, saying that we think with our mouth or less frequently with our ears. Actually, I don't think that is so difficult to understand, since the word "thinking" outside philosophy classes is usually used in that sort of context (I'll think about it, that will take some thinking about, and so forth) and that sort of effort of thought does often take the form of an imaginary conversation in words even in adults. Thoughts being speech are made of air. In the second stage, children have learned from adults that thinking is "in the head" or that we think with our head or brain, but still consider it as a form of speech and that thoughts are air. In the third stage, they arrive at the "adult" conception of an immaterial mind. (Note what I said above about the idealist bias.)
Of course, what he is really interested in is not what they think thought is, but whether it is considered subjective or objective, whether it is in his words "internal" or "external". He gets at this by asking where the name of something is. In the first stage, the children say the name is where the thing is; the name of the sun is in the sky and so forth. He explains that they do not consider it as some sort of label, but rather that the name is a part of what the thing is. Children of this stage will say that the name could not be different; that the sun has to be called "sun" because it is yellow, because it shines and so on. We know it is called "sun" by looking at it and seeing what it is. His theory is that for children in the first stage, there is no separation of thought from reality; whatever we think is real, whatever we see is real. They also think that everyone knows what they think because everyone thinks the same things. In the final stage, they know that our thoughts are just "in our heads" and that they may not be correct. The intermediate stage is transitional.
He also has a chapter on beliefs about dreams and where they come from; again the first stage thinks they are real images outside the person (there may be an even earlier stage where they are considered as real happenings), the second stage is transitional and the last stage understands that they are "in the head" (subjective).
He then outlines the view that because of this "egocentrism", this failure to distinguish the world from the self, they believe there are "participations" between themselves and things, which leads first to "magical" beliefs that their activities can directly but remotely influence things, and later to "animism" or the view that things are conscious. Again there are stages: everything is conscious; only things which move; only things which move spontaneously; only animals. He also has a short chapter on what children understand as life, which is also connected to spontaneous movement. He says that this animism is abandoned as the child becomes more conscious of itself as a "self". It is not entirely clear to me whether he believes this change in the child's sense of self is sufficient in itself to cause animism to be abandoned or whether it just eliminates the resistance to accepting adult ideas derived from interaction with adults; I'm not sure he even considers the question or considers it important.
He then discusses the question of "artificialism", or the idea that everything is made by people (or God; he says there is really no difference because the child who assimilates religious instruction in his own way interprets the idea of God as a powerful man). This leads him to the ideas children have of the origin of natural phenomena such as the sun and moon; in stage one, they think they were made, in stage three they try to find natural explanations (or often simply say there is no way to know) and stage two as usual is just a transition where the two views are mixed together. This section struck me as strange (actually much of the book, but this especially); while I am sure he is reporting accurately what the children said, I find it hard to believe that children of eight or nine, or even older, still have the kind of conceptions he is reporting. Perhaps the Swiss educational system in the 1920's did not include grade school science classes, and boys that age did not read books on science, but I'm sure children that age in present-day America would know what the sun and moon are, for example.
A couple things that I wondered about as I read this:
Firstly, he explicitly denies that he intends terms like "animism" and "magic" to have the same meanings they have for ethnologists studying non-literate cultures, and says that the phenomena may be different in the two cases, and I certainly don't doubt that they are -- in the second case we are talking about a systematic worldview elaborated by adults over at least tens of thousands of years. Having recently read some (early) books about anthropology I could not help wondering, however, if the attempt to find the origins of animism or the "origin of religion" may not be misplaced; if children spontaneously adopt an animist and artificialist view of the world, and are only later able to abandon it (perhaps due to adult influence) it may be that "religion" is not based on any sort of "numinous" or other sorts of experiences but is simply the original spontaneous human conception of the world and that the real problem is how some adults at some point were able to arrive at the idea of inanimate matter; in other words, the real problem may not be the origin of religion but the origin of materialism. (I don't mean materialism as a conscious systematic worldview; that came very recently with the so-called "Pre-Socratics". But when Thales took the giant step of replacing the gods of the sea and fresh water with ordinary material water, that presupposes that there was an already long-standing concept of water as a material, inanimate substance.) Unfortunately, anthropologists (who at the beginning of anthropology were very much concerned with the question of the "origin" of religion -- e.g. Tylor, Frazer, Durkheim and so forth) looked for examples of animism, but never tell us about what the cultures considered as inanimate -- that was just taken for granted.
Secondly, some of the examples he gives of "magical" ideas of participation seem very similar to what we call OCD; I wonder if his examples were from children with OCD or conversely, whether the seeming increase in such disorders in children is caused by our confusion of an adult disorder with a normal stage of child development.
All in all, whether Piaget's theories are right or wrong -- or somewhere in between -- they are very thought provoking.