At the end of the twentieth century, it becomes ever more clear that Western countries are witnessing the exhaustion of the two great political and economic systems―democratic capitalism and collective state socialism―that have held sway for the past 150 years. Yet neither the traditional Right nor Left has been able to provide viable solutions to this crisis. In this book, Paul Hirst offers a new approach, which he calls associative democracy.
Not simply a utopian idea, associative democracy calls for new forms of economic and social governance as supplements to representative democracy and market economies. It addresses the problems of the overload of big government by democratizing and empowering civil society. It transfers social provision to self-governing voluntary associations, while retaining public funding and political accountability. In the economic sphere, it advocates regional economic regulation through public-private partnerships, the promotion of self-governing industrial districts, and the democratization of the company.
Paul Quentin Hirst (May 20, 1946 – June 17, 2003) was a British sociologist and political theorist. He became Professor of Social Theory at Birkbeck College, London, in 1985 and held the post until his death from a stroke and brain haemorrhage.
During the 1970s he became well known (along with Barry Hindess) as the main figure in British structural Marxism. By the late 1970s and 1980s, however, Hirst had become a critic of Louis Althusser's brand of Marxism. Drawing upon Michel Foucault but also W. V. O. Quine and Ludwig Wittgenstein, he criticised essentialism, epistemological discourses and the possibility of any general theory, in a move against careless sociological constructionist imperialism. In his work on democratic governance, he turned towards the ideas of the English political pluralists: John Neville Figgis, G. D. H. Cole, and Harold Laski. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, Hirst developed a theory of associationalism which attempted to revive social democracy by providing an alternative to state socialism and free-market liberalism. He also made important contributions to critical legal theory.
His later work, with Grahame Thompson resulted in an influential criticism of fashionable theories of economic globalisation, demonstrating the continued importance of the nation-state. His book 'War and Power' is a historical-sociological analysis of the development of the modern state and state system and addresses some of current political challenges including climate change. His last book 'Space and Power' clearly demonstrated his intellectual scope. In the book he investigates the relationship between space and power, arguing that the exercise of power is both constrained by and shapes the character of the built environment.
With Mark Cousins, Colin MacCabe, and Richard Humphreys, he founded the London Consortium in 1993. He chaired the Executive Committee of Charter 88 and was an early and regular contributor to openDemocracy.
The main idea of associationalism and its broader term voluntarism is that we should organize society into associations into which people can voluntary come and go, instead of the rigid hierarchical state structure. This is a major reform of the society which I fully endorse. Hirst talks about the principles: decentralization of governance to address the democratic deficit and devolution of power towards the already mentioned voluntary associations. Not all functions of the state will be able to be transfered to voluntary associations. In this framework, economic governance would involve a shift towards participatory decision-making within these associations, promoting collective welfare and individual liberty. Thus, democracy would manifest through the active participation of citizens in these associative structures, fostering a more inclusive and responsive form of governance. The challenge would be to reconcile the large welfare provisions of the current state organization with the "thin" collectivism where we want to minimize the forms of collective action or solidarity. In the new framework, healthcare and education, healthcare would prioritize community participation and decentralized decision-making where there could be an emphasis on local healthcare initiatives and the empowerment of community health organizations, while education would be reimagined to involve greater community involvement in educational policy and practices. There might be an emphasis on participatory education models, where communities have a say in curriculum development, teaching methods, and educational priorities. This could lead to more tailored and culturally relevant educational experiences, fostering greater engagement and outcomes for students.