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224 pages, Paperback
First published May 14, 2014
Conflating white lower-class status with white supremacy, middle-class white people use class etiquette to posit poor whites and the white working class as irremediably racist. Middle-class white people thus are able to deflect their responsibility for and complicity with white domination onto white trash, thereby ensuring their own racial innocence and goodness.”

Writing about then-president Bill Clinton’s 1998 impeachment due to the Monica Lewinsky sex scandal, Toni Morrison infamously claimed that Clinton was being attacked because of his blackness. As Morrison argued, “White skin notwithstanding, this is our first black President. Blacker than any actual black person who could ever be elected in our children’s lifetime. After all, Clinton displays almost every trope of blackness: single-parent household, born poor, working class, saxophone-playing, McDonald’s-and-junk-food-loving boy from Arkansas.”(72) I’ll set aside the question of whether Clinton is blacker than Barack Obama, who was elected to the U.S. presidency in Morrison’s lifetime. What’s important here is that Morrison is not trying to slander Clinton by emphasizing his trashiness. Reversing the usual valence give to blackness, Morrison’s comment is sympathetic to the president. Even more germane is that it’s not the case that Morrison sees Clinton’s blackness as resulting from his particular views on race or white racism. As Morrison explained in the wake of Obama’s 2008 election, her 1998 claim “was deploring the way in which President Clinton was being treated… I said he was being treated like a black on the street already guilty already a perp. I have no idea no idea what his real instincts are, in terms of race.”(73) What Morrison’s remark underscores is the blurring of boundaries between black and white that white trash represents. Clinton’s perceived blackness comes from being white trash: white-skinned and poor, with crude culinary tastes and raised in a defective family in the South.
In my view, racial justice can be achieved only if every group that is party to racial oppression is allowed to be involved in its elimination, and thus inclusion in the name of racial progress should not rely on other forms of exclusion, such as those based on class (and other exclusionary divisions, such as gender, sexuality, (dis)ability, and religious affiliation). This means that even the white people with whom good white liberals often don’t wish to talk must not only have a seat at the table, but also help decide if sitting, standing, stomping, or spitting is the best way to proceed. They cannot be written off in advance as too stupid, racist, or violent to participate meaningfully in the public sphere.
“a critical form of self love is a more valuable affect to be cultivated by white people who care about racial justice.”Why? White guilt can be a paralyzing emotion that can impede racial justice. White guilt can inhibit action but also judgment. Racial justice needs people who have some moral authority and can respect people of color enough to disagree with them.
“People of color have long been aware of the toxicity of white people’s affections and emotions…Love has not been the dominant affect that characterizes white people.”In her conclusions Sullivan warns good white liberals not to expect intimacy. The white gaze can be like white noise: it obliterates other creative expression. The book is dense with insight, much more than I reproduced here. It should be on everyone’s list of must-reads, along with bell hooks, whose writing you are sure to encounter when you have begun investigating race. Sullivan writes in the Introduction that “perhaps in the future racial categories will not exist.” In the future, augmented and non-augmented humans may be the critical divisors. Skin color would be just another descriptor.
"Rather than cede the meaning and effects of whiteness to white supremacists, whiteness can be developed into an identity grounded in racial justice that is in solidarity with people of color working against white racism."
For Southern slaveowners "The two alternatives to [oppressive and exploitative industrial/Northern capitalism] were socialism and slavery, and it was only slavery that was morally sanctioned in the Christian Bible"
"The result [of color blindness] is a strange kind of pride in one's interpersonal cluelessness."
Calling for white people to be constituted by self-love is not a call for them to be delighted about being white racists or benefiting from white privilege. In the mix of negative and positive affects that make up white people--even, or perhaps especially when the negative far outweigh the positive--it is a call for them to nourish their positive affects with regard to whiteness so that a different kind of political and interpersonal action on their part will be possible.
While they cannot do it in a solipsistic vacuum, white people need to figure out new ways to take up their white identities. No one else can live their whiteness for them. So what will they--we, I--do with it? The best answers to this question will be ones that emerge apart from the abjection of white trash, the othering of white ancestors, the distancing strategy of color blindness, and the dominance of white guilt, shame, and betrayal. By developing a critical form of self-love that helps transform whiteness, white people can make positive contributions to struggles for racial justice.
“The most obvious difference between white liberalism and white supremacy is that the racial biases of white supremacists tend to be much more overt than those of white liberals, an observation that is not necessarily to the credit of white liberals. The racial biases of white liberals often are more difficult to detect (at least by white people), especially as they tend to operate in the name of non- or anti-racism, and thus they can be much more difficult to challenge than the racial biases of white supremacists.”
“One of the main ways that white class hierarchies operate is through the production and display of white middle-class moral goodness. This is achieved by establishing the moral badness of poor and lower-class white people. Lower-class white people supposedly are the retrograde white people who still believe and act in racist ways; they are the real problem when it comes to lingering racism in our enlightened times. Knowing this, white middle-class liberals know and/or take steps to ensure that they are different in kind than the white lower class, and this process of othering secures white liberals’ status as good. Those white people (the lower class) are racist; we middle-class whites are not like them; therefore we are not racist.”
“Hiding behind color blindness makes it difficult, if not impossible, to see how white privileged beliefs and habits continue to function in one’s life. The result is a strange kind of pride in one’s interpersonal cluelessness. As José Medina explains, color blindness “requires being actively and proudly ignorant of social positionality, which involves a double epistemic failure: a failure in self-knowledge and a failure in the knowledge of others with whom one is intimately related.”
“I will argue that rather than try to create distance between themselves and their racial identity, white people need a closer, more intimate relationship with it if they are going to be effective in racial justice movements. Rather than try to flee their whiteness, white people need to embrace it more tightly. Rather than despise their whiteness, white people need to learn to love it. Ihave in mind here the kind of white love well described by James Baldwin nearly fifty years ago. As he claimed about the United States, “White people in this country will have quite enough to do in learning how to accept and love themselves and each other, and when they have achieved this—which will not be tomorrow and may very well be never—the Negro problem will no longer exist, for it will no longer be needed.” Baldwin brilliantly captures the relationship between the lack of white self-love—white self-loathing—and white oppression of people of color. The so-called Negro problem is really a problem of white domination, and that problem is connected to white people’s inability to acknowledge, accept, and even affirm themselves as white.”
“More significantly, I also disagree that cultivating white people’s shame is the best way to promote white responsibility or to conceptualize white people’s co-constitutive relationships with others, including people of color. I am wary of the claim that a person’s ability to respond to others in generous, enriching ways can be fueled by impoverishing, enervating emotions. As empirical studies in psychology demonstrate, shame tends to be 'accompanied by a sense of shrinking or of ‘being small,�� … [and] a desire to escape or to hide—to sink into the floor and disappear.' This sense of shrinking is not equivalent to humility, which we might very well wish more white people felt. Instead, it is a narcissistic retreat from other people and interpersonal situations into an 'egocentric, self-involved' focus on oneself. In fact, it is not shame, but guilt that is credited in social scientific literature with being 'other-oriented' and 'foster[ing] empathic connection' as long as it is connected with a specific act of individual wrongdoing. Shame’s broader engagement with the entire self leads instead to feelings of worthlessness and powerlessness that undercut rather than enhance responsibility within interpersonal relationships. Shame tends to beat down an ashamed person, and a beaten-down person doesn’t usually have the psychosomatic resources to engage with others in uplifting ways. These are not claims that white people should never feel shame or guilt about their roles in racial injustice.”
“Just as feminist movements need men who are willing to speak out against sexism and male privilege—especially in all-male settings such as locker rooms and fraternity houses—racial justice movements need white people who are willing to speak and act against white racism when they encounter it in their families, neighborhoods, workplaces, and elsewhere.”