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Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century #3
Civilization and Capitalism 15th-18th Century, Vol. 3: The Perspective of the World
Volume III investigates what Braudel terms "world-economies"―the economic dominance of a particular city at different periods of history, from Venice to Amsterdam, London, New York.
699 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1979
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About the author
Fernand Braudel
153 books543 followersFernand Paul Achille Braudel was a French historian and a leader of the Annales School. His scholarship focused on three main projects: The Mediterranean (1923–49, then 1949–66), Civilization and Capitalism (1955–79), and the unfinished Identity of France (1970–85). His reputation stems in part from his writings, but even more from his success in making the Annales School the most important engine of historical research in France and much of the world after 1950. As the dominant leader of the Annales School of historiography in the 1950s and 1960s, he exerted enormous influence on historical writing in France and other countries.
Braudel has been considered one of the greatest of the modern historians who have emphasized the role of large-scale socioeconomic factors in the making and writing of history. He can also be considered as one of the precursors of world-systems theory.
Braudel has been considered one of the greatest of the modern historians who have emphasized the role of large-scale socioeconomic factors in the making and writing of history. He can also be considered as one of the precursors of world-systems theory.
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July 1, 2025Review of 1st july 2025
I have finished re-reading Braudel's trilogy "Civilisation and Capitalism". But I lie, this was the first time that I have read it as a trilogy, one book after the next - admittedly with some adulterous intermussions, flings with shorter books. Before I read the books and bits of the books out of order, with greater gaps inbetween. At some point I will review the trilogy as a whole, more ir less badly, here I will attempt to limit my comments only to this volume.
Maybe it is just that I am older, but while previously I felt that the book was an evocation of a vanished world, it now strikes me as contemporary, actual and even more immediate than the daily news. Perhaps that is the effect of the lange duree on the imagination, the lasting hangover of history.
In part this is Braudel's intention. His argument is that capitalism is not modern, at most it is early modern. One can find it, at first concentrated both only in certain parts of the economy and in certain places, but spreading out in both directions across time. And the whole of the economy has never been entirely capitalist anywhere, there are invariably sectors which are beneath the interests of the capitalist as either too complex, too small scale , or maybe both, to offer the chance of making a decent profit.
The book moves through a discussion of Venice, Antwerp, Genoa, and Amsterdam as the leading cities in turn of the European financial system. This is suceeded by an overview of some of the other world economies, the Americas, the Ottoman empire, the East Indies. Then comes the Industrial revolution in Britain (preceded by thoughts on a few industrial revolutions that did not happen) and the mystery of economic growth.
All of these topics are ones that you can chew over like a herd of cattle let loose in a meadow. Which I mention because I notice a poetic quality to Braudel's prose style, this strikes me very much as tge book of an elderly scholar, relaxed and confident.
There is something here implicitly of the threat and peril of history that one sees manifest in vatious culture wars. If one says that 50,000 people were exported annually from Africa to the Americas as slaves, while migration from the 'home' countries to their American colonies was a couple of thousand per year; or that give or take £2 million was extracted every year from India to Britain. Such things had impacts and continue to have consequences.
To go back to the British industrial revolution . This is a phenomena that is well known, and much studied. Everybody, even those who doubt the moon landings, agree that it happened, while the causes remain obscure. It is not as though one can ettract a formula for industrialisation from the experience, use it as a receipe and replicate it anywhere else, in fact looking at industrialisation in other countries one might conclude that the process of industrialisation always has to be different, just like different productions of the same play. Or perhaps one might conclude of the study of history that it is brainpower devoted to producing the widest possible range of disagreement aboutvthe meaning and nature of the past.
First review
Read this book for pleasure as a slow exploration of a vanished world, the attempt to show how the world functioned in the period between the end of the middle ages and the industrial revolution. Like a good history degree course it is generally sober, fairly earnest and not given to sweeping generalisations.
This is a careful book. It presents the discussions of the past. It discusses how sets of figures are arrived at. You are shown the limits of current (as of 1979) learning. The promise of unexplored archives is there, suggesting that scholarship may be able to explain more in future, to be able to confirm or deny the theories that at present can be advanced.
The perspective of the World is the final volume in Braudel's series Civilisation and Capitalism . The first volume The Structures of Everyday Life dealt with the basic conditions of material life including agriculture and transport. The second The Wheels of Commerce looked at the world of business, trade, markets and the appearance and spread of shops. Finally with the third volume we are shown the interactions of the world economies.
When I first got this trilogy I read the first volume and then dipped into the other two. The sections of the book are fairly self contained but the problem with this is that you miss out on the feeling of being immersed in the tides of the economy as the discussion washes on from Russia to India, the Far East and then back to the Britain and the Industrial Revolution.
As a complete work the trilogy counters the belief that a particular short period of time in one country is special or distinctive. Instead you gain the impression of shared and repeated situations arising from similar conditions and demands. There was nothing unusual about the appearance of credit, lending and paper transactions. Europeans arriving in the Far East eager to buy silks and spices were surrounded by people eager to lend them money, which considering that demand was limited for the trading goods they had brought with them turned out to be very convenient.
This volume introduces the idea of world economies. These are largely self sufficient areas, tightly interrelated centred on a dominant capitalist city surrounded by core, middle and peripheral zones. The central city can change. In Europe Braudel argues that Venice was succeeded by Antwerp, which in turn gave way to Genoa, after which Amsterdam rose to financial dominance only in turn to surrender to London.
The financial instruments and types of operations are familiar. The difference between the period described by Braudel and our own is the pace, scale and penetration of what we call Capitalism. So for example the clearing and financial reconciling transactions that take place daily in our times occurred annually at certain fairs at the beginning of the period that Braudel discusses and what we see is as time progresses the pace picks up.
One of the areas that is particularly interesting is the monopoly behaviour of the Europeans in the Far East. First how the Dutch East Indies company developed a monopoly in certain spices by restricting the cultivation of different plants to one location with trees chopped down and uprooted in other places to limit production (I think there is also an example in The Structures of Everyday Life of the Dutch burning quantities of pepper to keep the price up - ah and to think of all of those people who thought that the Golgafrinchans burning the trees to deflate the leaf as a currency in The Restaurant at the End of Universe was a crazy joke, history is much stranger than the imagination can dream of!).
This led to the creation of a highly dependant trade net. If one island was only producing a spice for the export market it became entirely dependant on cash earnings to buy the food that other areas were specialising in. We see the development of a network that is intricate and fragile. The catastrophic effects of famine resulting from the disruption caused by war as described in The Taste of War World War Two and the Battle for Food have their roots here. Another long term effect of the specialisation of production to meet the demands of distant economic centres is the long, slow impoverishment of India.
Everything slowly comes together in the final discussion, really I suppose just an introduction, to the industrial revolution. It is not one single factor that allows a region to industrialise but a whole bunch of interrelated factors and it is the relationship that is key. What is also striking is the advantage of backwardness. Britain in 1700 was not at the forefront of technological development. Technically iron from Sweden was far superior, but relative backwardness can allow a degree of freedom from existing techniques.
At the beginning of the volume Braudel tells us that he approves of the words of Nurske and Chaunu: a country is poor because it is poor and growth breeds growth. The experience of reading this book can be summed up by saying that at first those statements seem foolish and unhelpful. But by the end of the volume they seem the most meaningful statements that can be made about economic development.
I have finished re-reading Braudel's trilogy "Civilisation and Capitalism". But I lie, this was the first time that I have read it as a trilogy, one book after the next - admittedly with some adulterous intermussions, flings with shorter books. Before I read the books and bits of the books out of order, with greater gaps inbetween. At some point I will review the trilogy as a whole, more ir less badly, here I will attempt to limit my comments only to this volume.
Maybe it is just that I am older, but while previously I felt that the book was an evocation of a vanished world, it now strikes me as contemporary, actual and even more immediate than the daily news. Perhaps that is the effect of the lange duree on the imagination, the lasting hangover of history.
In part this is Braudel's intention. His argument is that capitalism is not modern, at most it is early modern. One can find it, at first concentrated both only in certain parts of the economy and in certain places, but spreading out in both directions across time. And the whole of the economy has never been entirely capitalist anywhere, there are invariably sectors which are beneath the interests of the capitalist as either too complex, too small scale , or maybe both, to offer the chance of making a decent profit.
The book moves through a discussion of Venice, Antwerp, Genoa, and Amsterdam as the leading cities in turn of the European financial system. This is suceeded by an overview of some of the other world economies, the Americas, the Ottoman empire, the East Indies. Then comes the Industrial revolution in Britain (preceded by thoughts on a few industrial revolutions that did not happen) and the mystery of economic growth.
All of these topics are ones that you can chew over like a herd of cattle let loose in a meadow. Which I mention because I notice a poetic quality to Braudel's prose style, this strikes me very much as tge book of an elderly scholar, relaxed and confident.
There is something here implicitly of the threat and peril of history that one sees manifest in vatious culture wars. If one says that 50,000 people were exported annually from Africa to the Americas as slaves, while migration from the 'home' countries to their American colonies was a couple of thousand per year; or that give or take £2 million was extracted every year from India to Britain. Such things had impacts and continue to have consequences.
To go back to the British industrial revolution . This is a phenomena that is well known, and much studied. Everybody, even those who doubt the moon landings, agree that it happened, while the causes remain obscure. It is not as though one can ettract a formula for industrialisation from the experience, use it as a receipe and replicate it anywhere else, in fact looking at industrialisation in other countries one might conclude that the process of industrialisation always has to be different, just like different productions of the same play. Or perhaps one might conclude of the study of history that it is brainpower devoted to producing the widest possible range of disagreement aboutvthe meaning and nature of the past.
First review
Read this book for pleasure as a slow exploration of a vanished world, the attempt to show how the world functioned in the period between the end of the middle ages and the industrial revolution. Like a good history degree course it is generally sober, fairly earnest and not given to sweeping generalisations.
This is a careful book. It presents the discussions of the past. It discusses how sets of figures are arrived at. You are shown the limits of current (as of 1979) learning. The promise of unexplored archives is there, suggesting that scholarship may be able to explain more in future, to be able to confirm or deny the theories that at present can be advanced.
The perspective of the World is the final volume in Braudel's series Civilisation and Capitalism . The first volume The Structures of Everyday Life dealt with the basic conditions of material life including agriculture and transport. The second The Wheels of Commerce looked at the world of business, trade, markets and the appearance and spread of shops. Finally with the third volume we are shown the interactions of the world economies.
When I first got this trilogy I read the first volume and then dipped into the other two. The sections of the book are fairly self contained but the problem with this is that you miss out on the feeling of being immersed in the tides of the economy as the discussion washes on from Russia to India, the Far East and then back to the Britain and the Industrial Revolution.
As a complete work the trilogy counters the belief that a particular short period of time in one country is special or distinctive. Instead you gain the impression of shared and repeated situations arising from similar conditions and demands. There was nothing unusual about the appearance of credit, lending and paper transactions. Europeans arriving in the Far East eager to buy silks and spices were surrounded by people eager to lend them money, which considering that demand was limited for the trading goods they had brought with them turned out to be very convenient.
This volume introduces the idea of world economies. These are largely self sufficient areas, tightly interrelated centred on a dominant capitalist city surrounded by core, middle and peripheral zones. The central city can change. In Europe Braudel argues that Venice was succeeded by Antwerp, which in turn gave way to Genoa, after which Amsterdam rose to financial dominance only in turn to surrender to London.
The financial instruments and types of operations are familiar. The difference between the period described by Braudel and our own is the pace, scale and penetration of what we call Capitalism. So for example the clearing and financial reconciling transactions that take place daily in our times occurred annually at certain fairs at the beginning of the period that Braudel discusses and what we see is as time progresses the pace picks up.
One of the areas that is particularly interesting is the monopoly behaviour of the Europeans in the Far East. First how the Dutch East Indies company developed a monopoly in certain spices by restricting the cultivation of different plants to one location with trees chopped down and uprooted in other places to limit production (I think there is also an example in The Structures of Everyday Life of the Dutch burning quantities of pepper to keep the price up - ah and to think of all of those people who thought that the Golgafrinchans burning the trees to deflate the leaf as a currency in The Restaurant at the End of Universe was a crazy joke, history is much stranger than the imagination can dream of!).
This led to the creation of a highly dependant trade net. If one island was only producing a spice for the export market it became entirely dependant on cash earnings to buy the food that other areas were specialising in. We see the development of a network that is intricate and fragile. The catastrophic effects of famine resulting from the disruption caused by war as described in The Taste of War World War Two and the Battle for Food have their roots here. Another long term effect of the specialisation of production to meet the demands of distant economic centres is the long, slow impoverishment of India.
Everything slowly comes together in the final discussion, really I suppose just an introduction, to the industrial revolution. It is not one single factor that allows a region to industrialise but a whole bunch of interrelated factors and it is the relationship that is key. What is also striking is the advantage of backwardness. Britain in 1700 was not at the forefront of technological development. Technically iron from Sweden was far superior, but relative backwardness can allow a degree of freedom from existing techniques.
At the beginning of the volume Braudel tells us that he approves of the words of Nurske and Chaunu: a country is poor because it is poor and growth breeds growth. The experience of reading this book can be summed up by saying that at first those statements seem foolish and unhelpful. But by the end of the volume they seem the most meaningful statements that can be made about economic development.
March 2, 2015
What Henry Hope, a leading Amsterdam businessman once said of trade in 1784 after the fourth Anglo-Dutch War, could also be said of capitalism: 'It is often ill but it never dies'.
This final volume of Braudel was often both enthralling and crushing but not ultimately as satisfying as the first, The Structures of Everyday Life. I base that verdict on two observations: 1) the first section is almost entirely a response to Immanuel Wallerstein's theory of the Core and the Periphery and 2)the slight shift of focus afforded the east, particularly China. The first objection was very topical as Wallerstein's books on World-Systems were all the rage when Braudel's The Perspective of the World was published and translated. I don't understand the second fact at all. Braudel was masterful in the first volume comparing Western Europe with Asia as well as the Americas. Maybe my inability to peruse the second volume (faulty spine) thwarted my appreciation here.
The Perspective of the World begins with the idea of a World Economy -- one operating on an inside outside basis from a particular city: Genoa, Venice, Antwerp, Amsterdam and London are the sequential hubs under discussion. How such grew in structure and complexity from medieval Champaign Fairs (routine meetings where merchants traded their goods) through advances in Banking until Colonialism coupled with Credit changes the world.
Around page 385 Braudel finally shifts focus from Europe to "non-Europe". The Americas, Muscovy/Russia and the Ottomans are discussed before arriving finally at India.
The tome concludes with an amazing analysis of the Industrial Revolution. This should've warranted another book, but one's industry doesn't spring eternal. I feel exhausted, but enhanced by the toil and certainly ready for more.
This final volume of Braudel was often both enthralling and crushing but not ultimately as satisfying as the first, The Structures of Everyday Life. I base that verdict on two observations: 1) the first section is almost entirely a response to Immanuel Wallerstein's theory of the Core and the Periphery and 2)the slight shift of focus afforded the east, particularly China. The first objection was very topical as Wallerstein's books on World-Systems were all the rage when Braudel's The Perspective of the World was published and translated. I don't understand the second fact at all. Braudel was masterful in the first volume comparing Western Europe with Asia as well as the Americas. Maybe my inability to peruse the second volume (faulty spine) thwarted my appreciation here.
The Perspective of the World begins with the idea of a World Economy -- one operating on an inside outside basis from a particular city: Genoa, Venice, Antwerp, Amsterdam and London are the sequential hubs under discussion. How such grew in structure and complexity from medieval Champaign Fairs (routine meetings where merchants traded their goods) through advances in Banking until Colonialism coupled with Credit changes the world.
Around page 385 Braudel finally shifts focus from Europe to "non-Europe". The Americas, Muscovy/Russia and the Ottomans are discussed before arriving finally at India.
The tome concludes with an amazing analysis of the Industrial Revolution. This should've warranted another book, but one's industry doesn't spring eternal. I feel exhausted, but enhanced by the toil and certainly ready for more.
July 19, 2007
Finally done with this magnum opus tracing in minute, painful, detail the creation of capitalism in the west, and the precursors and repercussions of that creation in the rest of the world. For my reviews of the other two volumes, check here and here.
After spending the last eight months doing intense reading, all the fucking time, my tolerance for the detailed economic historiography that makes up a lot of this book is pretty low. The breadth of Braudel’s scholarship is still deeply impressive, but as I got to the last hundred pages, I found myself wanting to skip more and more of the detailed recounting of other authors scholarship.
The main take away from Volume Three is something that most people who are interested in the industrial revolution probably already agree on – this wasn’t a revolution in the modern Russian revolution sense. It was a change in the means of organizing society that few noticed while it was happening, and few even tried to understand until much later.* This of course leads to one of the questions that lefties are always arguing over - if on of the greatest reengineering of society happened without anyone really knowing it was happening, then why on earth does anyone think they can come up with the next great plan by a decision by a central committee? Braudel doesn’t answer this, but all the evidence he gives would point to the conclusion that planned revolutions are a pipe dream.
* Even Adam Smith, who came a little late to the party, didn’t really grasp what was going on.
After spending the last eight months doing intense reading, all the fucking time, my tolerance for the detailed economic historiography that makes up a lot of this book is pretty low. The breadth of Braudel’s scholarship is still deeply impressive, but as I got to the last hundred pages, I found myself wanting to skip more and more of the detailed recounting of other authors scholarship.
The main take away from Volume Three is something that most people who are interested in the industrial revolution probably already agree on – this wasn’t a revolution in the modern Russian revolution sense. It was a change in the means of organizing society that few noticed while it was happening, and few even tried to understand until much later.* This of course leads to one of the questions that lefties are always arguing over - if on of the greatest reengineering of society happened without anyone really knowing it was happening, then why on earth does anyone think they can come up with the next great plan by a decision by a central committee? Braudel doesn’t answer this, but all the evidence he gives would point to the conclusion that planned revolutions are a pipe dream.
* Even Adam Smith, who came a little late to the party, didn’t really grasp what was going on.
October 27, 2020
a carefully written history, aided and abetted by legions of research assistants as in the case of all braudel works, that ends with an essay on the meaning and development of capitalism that is as good and careful as anything i've read anywhere on the matter. the preceding 650 pages build to this payoff, as you are taken through the stages and zones of world-historical capitalist development. the penultimate chapter, on non-western euro economies, is quite good with the exception of braudel's deliberate omission of china (his summary of indian work, particularly work that was "new" at the time of his writing, is quite good). another must-read work, provided you've got 3-4 years of toilet time to read it, as i did.
April 23, 2018
i am glad not to be reading these anymore: linearity turned out to be kind of a problem for this final volume. i feel like this is the point where a Real Historian would perceive what's good about this volume and its long digressions into methodology of assessing price levels at different historical periods, etc., more than i could ever do. I may have just been reading this book for too long.
The takeaway: (1) destruction of wages is how capitalism progresses from network node to network node (or not the only logic of transmission, just A Thing That Always Happens) (2) any solution to capitalism, in Braudel's view, will not be purchased without pain and will thus most sustainably arise during a period of superabundance, which, idk, good luck with that (3) "population is wealth," the multiplier effect of industrialization. (4) excellent metaphor about finance capitalism as the "Holy Ghost" of the capitalism trinity, interpenetrating other sectors, exacerbating their effects and permitting new transmissions (5) voluntary divestment is the only lasting solution--denial of inheritance--and FB does not seem altogether confident that this will take place.
I don't regret reading these books, but they're the kind of reading project that sort of passes through you like disease, and your body works differently afterward. The takeaways listed above are inadequate and I don't know if anyone else should read this book, or any book
The takeaway: (1) destruction of wages is how capitalism progresses from network node to network node (or not the only logic of transmission, just A Thing That Always Happens) (2) any solution to capitalism, in Braudel's view, will not be purchased without pain and will thus most sustainably arise during a period of superabundance, which, idk, good luck with that (3) "population is wealth," the multiplier effect of industrialization. (4) excellent metaphor about finance capitalism as the "Holy Ghost" of the capitalism trinity, interpenetrating other sectors, exacerbating their effects and permitting new transmissions (5) voluntary divestment is the only lasting solution--denial of inheritance--and FB does not seem altogether confident that this will take place.
I don't regret reading these books, but they're the kind of reading project that sort of passes through you like disease, and your body works differently afterward. The takeaways listed above are inadequate and I don't know if anyone else should read this book, or any book
June 7, 2016
The third volume of Braudel's brilliant trilogy concludes with a history of the world wide development of modern capitalism. and its sources in ancient international trade and post-Roman financial practices. Beautifully written and translated, revealing fascinating information, it was as difficult to put down as any excellent novel.
June 9, 2015
The completion of Braudel's immense history exploring the origins and development of capitalism in western Europe. The scope of this particular work is the topmost layer of Braudel's hierarchy - the long cycles of economic life and markets at the global and political level. In classic Annales style, he traces the development of "world-economies" or the ever-changing dominating city markets, primarily in Europe and America, that fostered the rise of national and international capitalism. For Braudel, capitalism is not merely the market economy but a set of properties inextricably bound up in social life since the early origins of civilization.
"The worst error of all is to suppose that capitalism is simply an ‘economic system,’ whereas in fact it lives off the social order, standing almost on a footing with the state, whether as adversary or accomplice: it is and always has been a massive force, filling the horizon. Capitalism also benefits from all the support that culture provides for the solidity of the social edifice, for culture–though unequally distributed and shot through with contradictory currents–does in the end contribute the best of itself to propping up the existing order. And lastly capitalism can count on the dominant classes who, when they defend it, are defending themselves."
"The worst error of all is to suppose that capitalism is simply an ‘economic system,’ whereas in fact it lives off the social order, standing almost on a footing with the state, whether as adversary or accomplice: it is and always has been a massive force, filling the horizon. Capitalism also benefits from all the support that culture provides for the solidity of the social edifice, for culture–though unequally distributed and shot through with contradictory currents–does in the end contribute the best of itself to propping up the existing order. And lastly capitalism can count on the dominant classes who, when they defend it, are defending themselves."
October 15, 2013
After three volumes of detailed analysis about western civilization and capitalism, my perspective has changed, or matured or deepened. These books are full of fascinating and mostly obscure details which effectively undermine the 'deterministic' view so often used when discussing history or contemporary culture. Braudel does a brilliant job of asking and then exploring questions. For the most part there are no 'pat' or simple answers, rather there's complex answers that then beg the question they set out to answer. Remarkable.
March 18, 2020
Braudel İlkel ve feodal toplum çözümlemesini bu ciltte kapitalizme vardırıyor ve her yönüyle kapitalist toplumu çözümlüyor. En sonunda sorunun kaynağının devlet denen düzende olduğunu, sosyalizminde devlet oldukça çare olamayacağını çünkü tepedekilerin bir sömürü düzenine yol açacağını vurguluyor ve en sonunda devletsiz yardımlaşma, paylaşma,eşitliğe dayalı küresel bir anarşist toplum öneriyor ve dünya tarihinin buraya evrileceğini vurguluyor...
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May 16, 2025
In short: the conclusions stink, but the economic history is so richly detailed that the three volume series is undeniable.
November 27, 2018
https://m7raby.wordpress.com/2018/11/...
المجلد الثالث فهو دراسة متتابعة زمنية لأنماط الاقتصاد العالمي وأولوياته المتعاقبة، حيث درس فيه تاريخ العالم من القرن الخامس عشر إلى القرن الثامن عشر، والمحور الذي يدور حوله المجلد هو الزمن الذي يستخدمه المؤرخون في تنظيم التاريخ والزمن الذي يفرض نفسه على الأحداث. وقد اهتم فرنان برودل اهتماما خاصا بالدورات القصيرة والطويلة التي كشفت عنها الدراسات النوعية وبخاصة ما انصب منها على الأسعار من حيث هي مؤشرات على الحركة الاقتصادية صاعدة أو هابطة.
ميّز بروديل بين «ثلاثة» أزمنة تاريخية، هناك أولا التاريخ شبه الجامد، المستقر، الذي لا يكاد الإحساس بـ«تقلصاته» ممكنا. وهذا الزمن التاريخي يخص بالتحديد العلاقة مع البشر ومع الوسط المحيط. أما الزمن الثاني فيخص التاريخ «المتحرك ببطئ»، ويقصد فيه بروديل الزمن الاجتماعي الذي يخص فعل المجموعات الإنسانية الضمني، أي الذي يحدث في عمق المجتمعات بحيث لا يبدو منه الشيء الكثير على السطح.
وأخيرا الزمن الثالث الذي يخص «التاريخ المتحرك على السطح»، أي الذي يعرف «أحداثا ـــ منعطفات» في تاريخ المجتمعات كنتيجة لـلعمل البطيء “للمجموعات الاجتماعية” على المدى الطويل. ولم يكن بروديل ينظر إلى الرأسمالية التي تمثل تعبيرا أوروبيا صريحا عن حضارة مادية خلال القرون الخامس عشر إلى الثامن عشر على أنها «إيديولوجيا». بل كان يعتبرها بالأحرى «منظومة اقتصادية» ولّدتها «تدريجيا» إستراتيجيات البحث عن السلطة.
ويتعرض برودل للعلاقة بين أزمة الانحسار الاقتصادي في العالم الآن وبين الزيادة السكانية فهو يرى أن الزيادة السكانية في العالم لم تعد تنضبط بالكوارث الطبيعية كما كان يحدث في الماضي، فقد تغير هذا الوضع نتيجة لتقدم الطب والزراعة، وقد أدرك العالم أنه بلغ الحد الأقصى للزيادة السكانية في منتصف القرن الماضي وأحس ببوادر الكارثة ولم تنجه منها إلا الثورة الصناعية التي زادت معدلات الإنتاج زيادة هائلة والسؤال الآن هل تواجه الإنسانية هذا الوضع مرة أخرى وتتردى على مهاوي التدهور أم هل تحدث ثورة جديدة من قبيل الثورة الصناعية تنقذ العالم من أزمته القرنية.
ويتميز أسلوب فرنان برودل خاصة، فهو يجمع بين الدقة الموضوعية والتنسيق الفني، وهو يلقاك بعبارة موجزة حينا غامضة أحيانا شديدة الغموض في أحيان ليس بالقليلة ويحلو له أن يستخدم كلمات وعبارات لها مدلولات رمزية، أو تنضوي على استعارة أو كناية ويأتيك بنصوص من عصور مختلفة بأقلام مختلفة ويرجع إلى مراجع بلغات كثيرة أبزرها الألمانية والإيطالية والإنجليزية.
كتاب فرنان برودل ليس كتابا سهلا يطالعه الإنسان بغير إعداد بل يحتاج على الأقل إلى الإحاطة بتاريخ العالم وجغرافيته ثم هو يوشك أن يكون كتابا للمتخصصين وللقراء المحبين للتعمق.
المجلد الثالث فهو دراسة متتابعة زمنية لأنماط الاقتصاد العالمي وأولوياته المتعاقبة، حيث درس فيه تاريخ العالم من القرن الخامس عشر إلى القرن الثامن عشر، والمحور الذي يدور حوله المجلد هو الزمن الذي يستخدمه المؤرخون في تنظيم التاريخ والزمن الذي يفرض نفسه على الأحداث. وقد اهتم فرنان برودل اهتماما خاصا بالدورات القصيرة والطويلة التي كشفت عنها الدراسات النوعية وبخاصة ما انصب منها على الأسعار من حيث هي مؤشرات على الحركة الاقتصادية صاعدة أو هابطة.
ميّز بروديل بين «ثلاثة» أزمنة تاريخية، هناك أولا التاريخ شبه الجامد، المستقر، الذي لا يكاد الإحساس بـ«تقلصاته» ممكنا. وهذا الزمن التاريخي يخص بالتحديد العلاقة مع البشر ومع الوسط المحيط. أما الزمن الثاني فيخص التاريخ «المتحرك ببطئ»، ويقصد فيه بروديل الزمن الاجتماعي الذي يخص فعل المجموعات الإنسانية الضمني، أي الذي يحدث في عمق المجتمعات بحيث لا يبدو منه الشيء الكثير على السطح.
وأخيرا الزمن الثالث الذي يخص «التاريخ المتحرك على السطح»، أي الذي يعرف «أحداثا ـــ منعطفات» في تاريخ المجتمعات كنتيجة لـلعمل البطيء “للمجموعات الاجتماعية” على المدى الطويل. ولم يكن بروديل ينظر إلى الرأسمالية التي تمثل تعبيرا أوروبيا صريحا عن حضارة مادية خلال القرون الخامس عشر إلى الثامن عشر على أنها «إيديولوجيا». بل كان يعتبرها بالأحرى «منظومة اقتصادية» ولّدتها «تدريجيا» إستراتيجيات البحث عن السلطة.
ويتعرض برودل للعلاقة بين أزمة الانحسار الاقتصادي في العالم الآن وبين الزيادة السكانية فهو يرى أن الزيادة السكانية في العالم لم تعد تنضبط بالكوارث الطبيعية كما كان يحدث في الماضي، فقد تغير هذا الوضع نتيجة لتقدم الطب والزراعة، وقد أدرك العالم أنه بلغ الحد الأقصى للزيادة السكانية في منتصف القرن الماضي وأحس ببوادر الكارثة ولم تنجه منها إلا الثورة الصناعية التي زادت معدلات الإنتاج زيادة هائلة والسؤال الآن هل تواجه الإنسانية هذا الوضع مرة أخرى وتتردى على مهاوي التدهور أم هل تحدث ثورة جديدة من قبيل الثورة الصناعية تنقذ العالم من أزمته القرنية.
ويتميز أسلوب فرنان برودل خاصة، فهو يجمع بين الدقة الموضوعية والتنسيق الفني، وهو يلقاك بعبارة موجزة حينا غامضة أحيانا شديدة الغموض في أحيان ليس بالقليلة ويحلو له أن يستخدم كلمات وعبارات لها مدلولات رمزية، أو تنضوي على استعارة أو كناية ويأتيك بنصوص من عصور مختلفة بأقلام مختلفة ويرجع إلى مراجع بلغات كثيرة أبزرها الألمانية والإيطالية والإنجليزية.
كتاب فرنان برودل ليس كتابا سهلا يطالعه الإنسان بغير إعداد بل يحتاج على الأقل إلى الإحاطة بتاريخ العالم وجغرافيته ثم هو يوشك أن يكون كتابا للمتخصصين وللقراء المحبين للتعمق.
June 11, 2014
Една книга, в която има много, много история. Една книга, която хвърля светлина от знание във всички посоки по света. Една книга пронизана с ерудиция. Една книга, от която може да се научи за множество закономерности. Една от най-големите книги, които съм прочел.
September 26, 2025
Without looking at the date of publication, I can tell this was written after _The Mediterranean World_. The author cannot help but expand upon his love of Mediterranean history by looking at world economies as a basis for human engagement. The author makes a distinction between a world economy, that being the entire scope of human economies worldwide, and world-economy, that being a predominant economy, localized around a single changing vector point, to which most, if not all, capital flows through or is dictated by. The primary vector point is that being a preeminent city changes over time, as technology and human tastes evolve, or as cities stagnate in their niche.
This observation by Braudel expands upon his theories of geographic determinism, making human actions a greater part of the economy. Notably, the author makes no mention, or scant so, of any physical land mass, such as mountains or rivers, that could potentially influence human growth. Geographic space is also flat and linear when reading this passage alone, only mentioning certain points where cities appear. The only mention of geography as an influencer is when he mentions the outlines of a world-economy correlating with physical barriers that humans tend to avoid, like how the Mediterranean world-economy has a barrier to the south in the Sahara Desert, which limits the scope and reach. This work contributes substantially to the discussion of economies and how humans interact with each other. Technology is a focus of interest, in that better technology can increase the range that a world-economy has. Before exploration, the world economy of Europe was entirely centered around the Mediterranean, but as better ship and navigation technology allowed for the spread to the Americas and beyond, the center of gravity shifted from cities in the Mediterranean, like Venice and Genoa, to cities on the Atlantic Coast, such as London and Amsterdam. Technology is a driver of human function, and this is also his argument for why capitalism is a dominant form of economics, favored by the majority of nations today. The need for change, growth, and innovation fueled warfare in human societies, which naturally evolved to a system that prioritizes them. Capitalism, according to the author, is a natural outgrowth of war, or perhaps human nature itself. The author makes no mention of socialism or communism, which, given the era that the book was written in, is understandable, although this doesn't allow us to critically compare capitalism to other dominant systems of the time, or even today. Would the author have anything interesting to say of a communist world-economy centered in Moscow or Beijing, which existed simultaneously to the American capitalist center in New York? Perhaps, but we don't get to know this. If a table of contents was included in the book scan, then we would know if the author has any thoughts, but this was not included.
To critically reflect on the argument, I wonder if this methodology holds up today. It really seems these days, with globalization, that the world economy really is a world economy. When thinking about a center of focus in New York, I really can't see how this model holds up. It seems to have atrophied in the wake of the internet and increased globalization. From as far-flung nations like Burkina Faso or Timor-Leste, previously outside the western world-economy, they are now entirely moved by decisions from Washington, the capital of the Nation with the current center of gravity, New York City. Surely another historian has expanded upon these ideas since.
This observation by Braudel expands upon his theories of geographic determinism, making human actions a greater part of the economy. Notably, the author makes no mention, or scant so, of any physical land mass, such as mountains or rivers, that could potentially influence human growth. Geographic space is also flat and linear when reading this passage alone, only mentioning certain points where cities appear. The only mention of geography as an influencer is when he mentions the outlines of a world-economy correlating with physical barriers that humans tend to avoid, like how the Mediterranean world-economy has a barrier to the south in the Sahara Desert, which limits the scope and reach. This work contributes substantially to the discussion of economies and how humans interact with each other. Technology is a focus of interest, in that better technology can increase the range that a world-economy has. Before exploration, the world economy of Europe was entirely centered around the Mediterranean, but as better ship and navigation technology allowed for the spread to the Americas and beyond, the center of gravity shifted from cities in the Mediterranean, like Venice and Genoa, to cities on the Atlantic Coast, such as London and Amsterdam. Technology is a driver of human function, and this is also his argument for why capitalism is a dominant form of economics, favored by the majority of nations today. The need for change, growth, and innovation fueled warfare in human societies, which naturally evolved to a system that prioritizes them. Capitalism, according to the author, is a natural outgrowth of war, or perhaps human nature itself. The author makes no mention of socialism or communism, which, given the era that the book was written in, is understandable, although this doesn't allow us to critically compare capitalism to other dominant systems of the time, or even today. Would the author have anything interesting to say of a communist world-economy centered in Moscow or Beijing, which existed simultaneously to the American capitalist center in New York? Perhaps, but we don't get to know this. If a table of contents was included in the book scan, then we would know if the author has any thoughts, but this was not included.
To critically reflect on the argument, I wonder if this methodology holds up today. It really seems these days, with globalization, that the world economy really is a world economy. When thinking about a center of focus in New York, I really can't see how this model holds up. It seems to have atrophied in the wake of the internet and increased globalization. From as far-flung nations like Burkina Faso or Timor-Leste, previously outside the western world-economy, they are now entirely moved by decisions from Washington, the capital of the Nation with the current center of gravity, New York City. Surely another historian has expanded upon these ideas since.
December 11, 2019
'Welke vormen de groei ook aannam, de beweging ervan tilde de economie op zoals het opkomend tij de bij eb vastgelopen boten weer vlot maakt. De groei veroorzaakte een eindeloze reeks met elkaar in verband staande evenwichten en onevenwichtigheden, hij bracht gemakkelijke of moeilijke successen voort, maakte het mogelijk afgronden te vermijden, schiep werkgelegenheid en bedacht winstmogelijkheden. Die beweging bracht de eeuwenoude adem van de wereld na iedere verslapping of samentrekking weer op gang. Maar het is moeilijk om die alles verklarende beweging op haar beurt te verklaren. De groei op zichzelf is iets mysterieus, zelfs voor hedendaagse met fantastische statistieken gewapende economen. Alleen de hypothese biedt haar diensten aan, hoewel die bedrieglijk zijn aangezien er, zoals wij al hebben gezegd, ten minste twee verklaringen zijn: evenwichtige en onevenwichtige groei, twee verklaringen waaruit wij evenwel niet hoeven te kiezen.
Als we echter de gelaagdheid van een lange en korte duur overnemen, dan kunnen we zonder veel moeilijkheden de verklaring van een noodzakelijk evenwichtige groei verbinden aan een onevenwichtige groei die schoksgewijs, 'van crisis naar crisis' verloopt, terwijl afhankelijk van de omstandigheden de ene motor wordt vervangen door een andere, de ene markt door een andere, de ene energiebron door een andere, het ene drukmiddel door het andere.
Voorwaarde voor continue groei is dat de lange duur, de accumulator van langzame vooruitgang, al datgene heeft vervaardigd 'wat economische groei mogelijk maakt' en dat bij iedere conjuncturele wisselvalligheid een kapotte motor vervangen kan worden door een nieuwe, in reserve gehouden bedrijfsklare motor. Continue groei is een estafetteloop zonder finish. Als de groei van de dertiende tot de veertiende eeuw niet kon worden bestendigd, dan kwam dit omdat de molens die de start mogelijk hebben gemaakt, slecht een beperkte aanzet gaven en omdat geen enkele energiebron het vervolgens overnam. Maar het kwam bovendien omdat de landbouw de beweging van de demografie niet kon volgen en ten prooi viel aan afnemende opbrengsten. Tot aan de industriële revolutie liep iedere plotselinge toename van de groei stuk op wat ik in het eerste deel van dit werk de 'grenzen van het mogelijke' noemde, ofte wel een plafond aan de landbouwproductie, aan transportmiddelen, aan energie, of aan de vraag van de markt. De moderne groei begint wanneer het plafond steeds hoger wordt of de grens zich blijft verleggen. Wat niet wil zeggen dat op zekere dag niet weer een plafond zal bereikt worden.'
Als we echter de gelaagdheid van een lange en korte duur overnemen, dan kunnen we zonder veel moeilijkheden de verklaring van een noodzakelijk evenwichtige groei verbinden aan een onevenwichtige groei die schoksgewijs, 'van crisis naar crisis' verloopt, terwijl afhankelijk van de omstandigheden de ene motor wordt vervangen door een andere, de ene markt door een andere, de ene energiebron door een andere, het ene drukmiddel door het andere.
Voorwaarde voor continue groei is dat de lange duur, de accumulator van langzame vooruitgang, al datgene heeft vervaardigd 'wat economische groei mogelijk maakt' en dat bij iedere conjuncturele wisselvalligheid een kapotte motor vervangen kan worden door een nieuwe, in reserve gehouden bedrijfsklare motor. Continue groei is een estafetteloop zonder finish. Als de groei van de dertiende tot de veertiende eeuw niet kon worden bestendigd, dan kwam dit omdat de molens die de start mogelijk hebben gemaakt, slecht een beperkte aanzet gaven en omdat geen enkele energiebron het vervolgens overnam. Maar het kwam bovendien omdat de landbouw de beweging van de demografie niet kon volgen en ten prooi viel aan afnemende opbrengsten. Tot aan de industriële revolutie liep iedere plotselinge toename van de groei stuk op wat ik in het eerste deel van dit werk de 'grenzen van het mogelijke' noemde, ofte wel een plafond aan de landbouwproductie, aan transportmiddelen, aan energie, of aan de vraag van de markt. De moderne groei begint wanneer het plafond steeds hoger wordt of de grens zich blijft verleggen. Wat niet wil zeggen dat op zekere dag niet weer een plafond zal bereikt worden.'
March 3, 2023
This is the third volume in Braudel's massive investigation into the causes of the industrial revolution. In this volume, Braudel investigates the role of government and large scale enterprise, chiefly focused around long-distance trade. Braudel asks (i) what antecedents did the industrial revolution draw upon; (ii) why did the industrial revolution arise in England and to some lesser extent the Netherlands; (iii) was it inevitable? The heroes of the whole multi-volume set are urbanization, division of labor, market economies and the rise of financial capitalism. Unlike the other volumes, this volume focuses almost entirely on Western Europe. When the rest of the world is investigated, Mr. Braudel primarily focuses on how Western Europe exploited these areas. Like the other volumes, Mr. Braudel writes in a very poetic style often in the first person and he is unafraid to say what he does not know. Additionally, Mr. Braudel assumes you have the same knowledge of world history that he does - a bit like reading a theoretical physics textbook by Stephen Hawking that assumes you know as much about physics as he does. I have wanted to read these books since I was in high school. I was not disappointed.
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December 26, 2020Fransız Tarihçi Fernand Braudel'in üç ciltlik kitabının üçüncü cildi "Maddî Uygarlık-Dünyanın Zamanı", Profesör Mehmet Ali Kılıçbay'ın çevirisi ile İmge Yayınevi tarafından yıllar önce yayınlanmıştı! Fernand Braudel, üç ciltlik kitabında Avrupa Tarihi'ni ayrıntıları ile anlatıyor. "Kapitalizm"in Avrupa'da oluşumunu, gelişmesini, olası "kriz"lerinin kaynaklarını, Fernand Braudel üç ciltlik kitabında soruşturuyor, betimliyor, açıklıyor. Üçüncü cilt, "Maddî Uygarlık-Dünyanın Zamanı" başlığı ile, Fernand Braudel'in Tarihçilik açısından, dünyanın zaman boyutu açısından öykülenişi ile, mekân boyutu açısından öykülenişinin nasıl somut tarih anlatıları oluşturduğunu gösteren bir kitap. Tarihçi, zamanı, mekânı, dünyanın öykülerden oluşan bir tarihi olduğunu hiç unutmadan tartışıyor, Avrupa ülkelerinin birbirlerinden farklılıklarını zamanda, mekânda, Tarihçi'nin tanımlamaları ile anlıyoruz, Tarihçi ile dünya, zamanda, mekânda, somut olayların ardı ardına oluşumunda, sanki bir diyalog yapısında birbirleri ile var oluyorlar.
April 1, 2022
Braudels grand theory, injected with a vast amount of detail, might just be one of the most fascinating theories i have ever come across. The three stage model cannot be summarized. The contour only appears after zooming out on the ocean of information handed to the reader. If you want to get any idea of what Braudel is getting at, you will have to read all three volumes.
Luckily, the third volume is that stage where Braudel is (more or less) zooming out. It is still very detailed. Yet everything comes together. Braudels most fascinating achievement is his theory of capitalism, around which the layered model revolves. Seprating the market from Capitalism is a thought-provoking proposition that deserves our attention.
In fact, everything what Braudel has written in these volumes, even the more mundane parts, deserves our attention.
Luckily, the third volume is that stage where Braudel is (more or less) zooming out. It is still very detailed. Yet everything comes together. Braudels most fascinating achievement is his theory of capitalism, around which the layered model revolves. Seprating the market from Capitalism is a thought-provoking proposition that deserves our attention.
In fact, everything what Braudel has written in these volumes, even the more mundane parts, deserves our attention.
May 26, 2020
Napredak koji su ostvarili najviši slojevi, kao i rast ekonomskog potencijala, morali su biti plaćeni bedom velike mase ljudi čiji je broj rastao ili jednako brzo kao proizvodnja, ili brže od nje. U jednom trenutku rast proizvodnje više ne može da uravnotežava umnožavanje broja ljudi i višestruko povećanje trgovine i delatnosti. Tada sve počinje da se slama, vrhunac krize se dostiže, vekovni trend se obrće i opadanje počinje. Čudno je to da nazadovanje na nivou nadgradnje dovodi do povećanja životnog standarda masa, da realne nadnice počinju opet rasti. Između 1350. i 1450. godine, u najtežem razdoblju evropske recesije dolazi do neke vrste zlatnog razdoblja u svakodnevnom životu običnih ljudi.
Want to read
August 12, 2024Volume III investigates what Braudel terms "world-economies"―the economic dominance of a particular city at different periods of history, from Venice to Amsterdam, London, New York.
From Library Journal
Originally published in the early 1980s, Civilization traces the social and eco
March 24, 2020
Do that later but HE ANIMATES LIFE, HISTORY
May 21, 2023
What more can you say? It's Braudel.
March 14, 2017
By far the most impressive series of books, of any genre, I've ever read.
May 17, 2015
페르낭브로델의 물질문명과 자본주의 3부작을 읽기로 한 것은 도전이다. 방대한 양과 디테일을 회사원이 취미로 읽기에는 쉽지 않다. 그럼에도 불구하고 3권 세계의 시간을 읽으면서 읽는 즐거움을 느낄 수 있었다.
3권 중에서 상편은 유럽의 도시가 지중해를 배경으로 하다가 점차 전 세계의 바다를 무대로 하는 변화과정을 그대로 보여준다. 상당 부분이 베네치아와 네덜란드 도시의 융성과 쇠망에 할애되어 있다.
판카즈 게마왔 교수의 [world 3.0]에서 세계화/국제화의 정도를 보여주는 한 지표로서 네덜란드의 전화 사용량 통계가 있다. 네덜란드는 지금도 95%정도의 통화가 international call이라고 한다. 국내 통화는 겨우 5%정도 밖에 되지 않는다. 이책은 이런 사실의 역사적인 전통의 근원이 어디에서부터 왔는지를 보여준다.
도시의 발전과 쇠망을 자본주의의 발전이라는 한 축에 놓고, 공간의 확장을 다른 한 축으로 하여 그 안에서 발생하는 중심지로서의 자본주의 도시의 모습을 지도, 그림, 저작물 들을 다양하게 인용하면서 언급한다.
유럽의 베르사이유 궁전이 문화적 우월함의 상징이듯 그 유사한 궁전들이 유럽 도처에 생겨나고 그것을 하나의 지도에 표시한 대목도 재미있다. 해외 진출과 문화의 전파도 높은 곳에서 낮은 곳으로 이루어지는 모습을 그때도 프랑스의 베르사유 궁전과 이탈리아 베니스의 곤돌라는 선진 문물의 상징이었던 것이다.
최근의 스코틀랜드 독립과 관련한 언급도 흥미로왔다. 스코틀랜드가 영국과 합병하던 시점에는 마치 요즘 FTA하듯 스콧들에게는 잉글랜드와 미국시장에 진출하려는 절박함이 있었고 그 결과 흉작과 기근에 죽어나가던 극빈 상태를 벗어날 수 있었다고 한다. 그때는 에너지는 변수가 아니었다. 이렇게 보면 남북통일이나 외교관계도 경제적 이해가 영향이 크게 미치겠다는 막연한 생각이 든다.
한국의 현실에서 중국과 일본, 러시아, 미국 같은 국가가 인근에 있으며, 이들과의 교역에서 나름대로의 역할을 할 수 있을 때 번영할 수 있을 것이다. 베네치아의 외국인들이 자기나라만큼 편안한 느낌을 가질 때 건너와서 교역과 상업에 종사하고 그 덕분에 경제가 발전했다. 송도와 서울-경기도, 그리고 부산 같은 도시가 그런 모습을 보일 수 있을 것인가에 한국의 미래를 가늠해 볼 수 있다.
페르낭 브로델의 물질문명과 자본주의 3부작의 마지막이다.
어릴 때 교과서에서 접하던 ‘지리상의 발견’이라는 용어는 서유럽인의 정서가 담긴말을 그대로 옮긴 것이다. 발견하는 자와 발견된 그 곳의 원주민과 새로운 문물이 전제로 된 개념이라면 어쩌면 ‘대항해시대’라는 용어가 좀더 객관적인 제3자적인 모습으로 서유럽을 중심으로 한 문명이 전성기를 맞이하는 모습을 보여준다.
법제도나 무역의 흐름도 그 때 형성된 역사적 영향에 따라 관습적으로 그 방향을 따라 이루어 지고 있다는 것을 사실 최근에야 절감했다. 법제도는 영국, 프랑스, 독일 새국가의 법을 모델로 하지 않은 곳은 거의 없고 요즘 즐겨마시는 커피의 무역은 현재도 18세기의 범선이 이동하던 항구의 흐름과 지금의 물류의 흐름이별반 차이가 없다.
브로델이 총 세 권(주경철교수 번역판으로 여섯권)에 걸쳐 서술한 현대 자본주의의 형성과정은, 마지막에서 정점을 보여준다. 마지막권에서는 유럽이 새로 ‘발견’한 지역을 주변부로서의 식민지화 하는 모습과 증기기관으로 상징되는 산업혁명의 시작을 보여준다. 유럽의 팽창은 해안지역의 거점을 지배하고 그 거점들을 연결하여 군사력으로 보호하면서 그 거점간의 네트워크를 통하여 무역과 장사를 발달시켜 이윤을 얻고 부를 축적한다.책5장의 아메리카, 블랙 아프리카, 러시아, 터키, 극동이 전체적으로는 비슷한 모양으로 유럽의 주변이 된다. 그때 이미 시스템으로 전체가 연결되는 모습이 보이기 시작했고, 그 덕분에 지금도 변신을 거듭하면서 그 시스템이 존속하고 있는 것이다.
부분적으로 보면 2권 (교환의 세계)에서 상세하게 다룬 바 있었던 시장과 도시의 형성이 성숙해가는 과정을 보여주는 것도 재미있다. 도시의 성숙을 나타내는 표시 중의 하나는 근대적인 credit을 얻을 수 있는지라는 서술이 눈에 띈다. 금융시스템이 도시의 성숙을 가져오는 중요한 요소라는 점이 러시아 등 많은 도시의 발달에서 파악되었다. 금융회사가 무엇을 해야 도시민의 삶에 실질적인 기여를 할 수 있는지를 보여준다.
인도가 자체로서 거대한 시장이 이미 형성되어 있고, 그 힘을 스스로를 위하여 사용하지 못하고 영국이 구축한 무역네트워크의 일부로서 중국 시장 개척이나 식민지 건설 같은 다른 목적을 위해 스스로에 대하여서는 오히려 파괴적으로 작동한 점도 보여준다. 네트워크는 전체의 목적에 지극히 충실하게 발달되었기 때문에 그 자체로서 역량있는 지역이었으나 전체를 위해 오히려 희생되었다.
산업혁명에서 통상 사용하는 용어이지만, Revolution이라는 말의 어원이 천문학에서 처음 사용되었으나, 나중에 사회의 재구조화라는 의미로 사용하게 되었다는 서술도 좋다. 이말이 한때 18세기 초중반에 유행했으나 나중에 아놀드 토인비의 강의를 사후에 정리한 책이 유명해져서 보편적인 용어가 되었다고 한다. 이부분에 대한 서술은 방대한 책의 분량에 비해 너무 적게 서술되어 있다.
원서로 총 3권, 번역서로 6권인 이 책에 도전해서 올해 그나마 2/3를 읽었다는 점이 흐뭇하다. 그중에서는 가운데 "교환의 세계"가 자본주의의 초기 모습을 잘 보여주어 가장 좋았지만, 3편 (세계의 시간)도 재미있게 읽었다. 주경철 교수의 번역이 참 잘되어 있다.
3권 중에서 상편은 유럽의 도시가 지중해를 배경으로 하다가 점차 전 세계의 바다를 무대로 하는 변화과정을 그대로 보여준다. 상당 부분이 베네치아와 네덜란드 도시의 융성과 쇠망에 할애되어 있다.
판카즈 게마왔 교수의 [world 3.0]에서 세계화/국제화의 정도를 보여주는 한 지표로서 네덜란드의 전화 사용량 통계가 있다. 네덜란드는 지금도 95%정도의 통화가 international call이라고 한다. 국내 통화는 겨우 5%정도 밖에 되지 않는다. 이책은 이런 사실의 역사적인 전통의 근원이 어디에서부터 왔는지를 보여준다.
도시의 발전과 쇠망을 자본주의의 발전이라는 한 축에 놓고, 공간의 확장을 다른 한 축으로 하여 그 안에서 발생하는 중심지로서의 자본주의 도시의 모습을 지도, 그림, 저작물 들을 다양하게 인용하면서 언급한다.
유럽의 베르사이유 궁전이 문화적 우월함의 상징이듯 그 유사한 궁전들이 유럽 도처에 생겨나고 그것을 하나의 지도에 표시한 대목도 재미있다. 해외 진출과 문화의 전파도 높은 곳에서 낮은 곳으로 이루어지는 모습을 그때도 프랑스의 베르사유 궁전과 이탈리아 베니스의 곤돌라는 선진 문물의 상징이었던 것이다.
최근의 스코틀랜드 독립과 관련한 언급도 흥미로왔다. 스코틀랜드가 영국과 합병하던 시점에는 마치 요즘 FTA하듯 스콧들에게는 잉글랜드와 미국시장에 진출하려는 절박함이 있었고 그 결과 흉작과 기근에 죽어나가던 극빈 상태를 벗어날 수 있었다고 한다. 그때는 에너지는 변수가 아니었다. 이렇게 보면 남북통일이나 외교관계도 경제적 이해가 영향이 크게 미치겠다는 막연한 생각이 든다.
한국의 현실에서 중국과 일본, 러시아, 미국 같은 국가가 인근에 있으며, 이들과의 교역에서 나름대로의 역할을 할 수 있을 때 번영할 수 있을 것이다. 베네치아의 외국인들이 자기나라만큼 편안한 느낌을 가질 때 건너와서 교역과 상업에 종사하고 그 덕분에 경제가 발전했다. 송도와 서울-경기도, 그리고 부산 같은 도시가 그런 모습을 보일 수 있을 것인가에 한국의 미래를 가늠해 볼 수 있다.
페르낭 브로델의 물질문명과 자본주의 3부작의 마지막이다.
어릴 때 교과서에서 접하던 ‘지리상의 발견’이라는 용어는 서유럽인의 정서가 담긴말을 그대로 옮긴 것이다. 발견하는 자와 발견된 그 곳의 원주민과 새로운 문물이 전제로 된 개념이라면 어쩌면 ‘대항해시대’라는 용어가 좀더 객관적인 제3자적인 모습으로 서유럽을 중심으로 한 문명이 전성기를 맞이하는 모습을 보여준다.
법제도나 무역의 흐름도 그 때 형성된 역사적 영향에 따라 관습적으로 그 방향을 따라 이루어 지고 있다는 것을 사실 최근에야 절감했다. 법제도는 영국, 프랑스, 독일 새국가의 법을 모델로 하지 않은 곳은 거의 없고 요즘 즐겨마시는 커피의 무역은 현재도 18세기의 범선이 이동하던 항구의 흐름과 지금의 물류의 흐름이별반 차이가 없다.
브로델이 총 세 권(주경철교수 번역판으로 여섯권)에 걸쳐 서술한 현대 자본주의의 형성과정은, 마지막에서 정점을 보여준다. 마지막권에서는 유럽이 새로 ‘발견’한 지역을 주변부로서의 식민지화 하는 모습과 증기기관으로 상징되는 산업혁명의 시작을 보여준다. 유럽의 팽창은 해안지역의 거점을 지배하고 그 거점들을 연결하여 군사력으로 보호하면서 그 거점간의 네트워크를 통하여 무역과 장사를 발달시켜 이윤을 얻고 부를 축적한다.책5장의 아메리카, 블랙 아프리카, 러시아, 터키, 극동이 전체적으로는 비슷한 모양으로 유럽의 주변이 된다. 그때 이미 시스템으로 전체가 연결되는 모습이 보이기 시작했고, 그 덕분에 지금도 변신을 거듭하면서 그 시스템이 존속하고 있는 것이다.
부분적으로 보면 2권 (교환의 세계)에서 상세하게 다룬 바 있었던 시장과 도시의 형성이 성숙해가는 과정을 보여주는 것도 재미있다. 도시의 성숙을 나타내는 표시 중의 하나는 근대적인 credit을 얻을 수 있는지라는 서술이 눈에 띈다. 금융시스템이 도시의 성숙을 가져오는 중요한 요소라는 점이 러시아 등 많은 도시의 발달에서 파악되었다. 금융회사가 무엇을 해야 도시민의 삶에 실질적인 기여를 할 수 있는지를 보여준다.
인도가 자체로서 거대한 시장이 이미 형성되어 있고, 그 힘을 스스로를 위하여 사용하지 못하고 영국이 구축한 무역네트워크의 일부로서 중국 시장 개척이나 식민지 건설 같은 다른 목적을 위해 스스로에 대하여서는 오히려 파괴적으로 작동한 점도 보여준다. 네트워크는 전체의 목적에 지극히 충실하게 발달되었기 때문에 그 자체로서 역량있는 지역이었으나 전체를 위해 오히려 희생되었다.
산업혁명에서 통상 사용하는 용어이지만, Revolution이라는 말의 어원이 천문학에서 처음 사용되었으나, 나중에 사회의 재구조화라는 의미로 사용하게 되었다는 서술도 좋다. 이말이 한때 18세기 초중반에 유행했으나 나중에 아놀드 토인비의 강의를 사후에 정리한 책이 유명해져서 보편적인 용어가 되었다고 한다. 이부분에 대한 서술은 방대한 책의 분량에 비해 너무 적게 서술되어 있다.
원서로 총 3권, 번역서로 6권인 이 책에 도전해서 올해 그나마 2/3를 읽었다는 점이 흐뭇하다. 그중에서는 가운데 "교환의 세계"가 자본주의의 초기 모습을 잘 보여주어 가장 좋았지만, 3편 (세계의 시간)도 재미있게 읽었다. 주경철 교수의 번역이 참 잘되어 있다.
November 28, 2023
Dated, which made it all the better. Braudel gave himself the benefit of the doubt with his figures before the 19th century, but the theories are very entertaining. The overall read is fun and thought-provoking if you like to form patterns in history.
March 31, 2009
I don't know why I originally marked this book so low.
October 4, 2007
This is a great history book. Braudel analyzes history from an economic framework. I'm going to get all three volumes eventually and read them when I have time.
July 12, 2009
The third and final volume in the Civilization and Capitalism series. A classic!
February 16, 2011
Only read parts about Genova, Italy.
October 12, 2014
This book has way more detail than i wanted, but that is good if that is what you're looking for. Who knew the Italians invented capitalism?
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