Time can be cruel regarding public memory and scandal. Power Without Glory had to be written in secret and self-published, and yet it still landed the author in gaol. This is a thinly disguised biography of the Melbourne identity John Wren. What time has done is make people who were well known in the 1920s to 1940s in both Federal and Victorian State politics, become inconsequential in the early 21st Century. Almost no one remembers who the Prime Minister was at the start of the Great Depression (it was Scullin) or the appalling politics in Victoria at the time.
However, if one treats this as completely fictional, then what one has is a novel regarding the machinations of politics by powerful people and the Churches. It thus becomes as relevant today as when this was written, or during the portrayed period. As a historical political novel, then we enter a time that was turbulent, and covered well by Hardy. So many people no longer are aware of the distain of the Irish Catholics, and the massive issue of the Easter Rebellion of 1916 in Ireland. British Empire jingoism at a high because of the war left many Australians wondering how to negotiate a war they strongly believed in, and a nation to which they had strong ties having its own internal battles. In later aspects of the novel, the fear of communism outside of Russia was a powerful one and especially as any entitlements awarded to poorly paid workers was a thin edge to all out communism. The Catholic church in Australia played an important part in splitting and weakening the Australian Labor Party in their strident rooting out of all communist concepts. The outcome was Labor in wilderness for 20 years, and no affective opposition. Thus for me, the strength of this book is the Irish Catholic situation of early Federated Australia: the power the Catholic church had over the Labor Party, and its will to influence politics. The concerted effort to get funding of Catholic schools by public money was just one case in point. It is also something that is still hotly contested in the public sphere: the difference is mostly younger evangelist churches have replaced the Catholic church in having influence in politics.
In an ideal world, the book desperately needed an astute editor. The 1st part is too detailed and long, and the final section is rushed, under-written and much is accidently glossed over, such that the narrative discussing the assertive attack of the Catholics to root out left, socialist leaning Labor politicians (The Movement) is confusing to the contemporary reader. One of the problems is the topics Hardy was most interested in, are way too large to sit comfortably in one novel. In one aspect, this would have worked well as two or three ones that could have developed someone of the plot lines and themes. I’m reminded on how C.P. Snow or Anthony Powell achieved this in their novel cycles. Of course, on such a contentious subject as John Wren, this could never happen. In some ways, I felt that Hardy could have fictionised his characters a bit more, but still cover the themes of corrupt politics and the Catholic church interference. Contemporary stories such as House of Cards have been successful in this, and Hardy could have avoided a libel case. To be honest, Hardy was an inexperienced author taking on a massive story, and these shortfalls accentuate his naivety and inexperience. However, despite these shortfalls, Hardy does do an excellent narrative for a 1st book.
One major issue with the novel is our anti-hero John West. He is loathsome from page one & never redeems himself even at the end. The main problem is Hardy obviously hated him with a passion, and it shows. West in many ways is a cardboard character and the person that carries the narrative along. Far more interesting and fleshed out characters are Frank Ashton, Richard Bradley, Daniel Malone and Thurgood.
As I read the book, I had Wikipedia open. There is an entry devoted to this book, and someone has listed and matched, as much as possible, the character against the public identity, many of whom have their own pages. Not only did I find this informative, it lead me to learn a lot more about early Federation politics. This book showed me that Australians have never been pleasant in politics: the rorts and exploitations observed now have always been there. What shook me the most is the concept of a Royal Commission. They have ALWAYS been used as a means to either discredit someone or some organisation, or to equally bury the truth into a tome that is never acted upon. I honestly thought this was a recent phenomenon.
Power Without Glory can have a limited contemporary audience: restricting to a fictionalised account of a public figure in early Federated Australian and Victorian state politics. However, treat it as a political novel that describes this period in politics, particularly the earlier, growing years of the Australian Labor Party, and one gets a really interesting insight into a politics that isn’t that much removed from the current bad behaviour in our own times from the major players.