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370 pages, Kindle Edition
First published January 1, 2013
The comfortable social position of Joseph ben Mattathias’s family may have made him complacent; it hardly made him a premeditated traitor. The assistance he rendered the Romans, after his surrender, was offered in order to continue to save his skin; but it was never at the direct expense of other Jews…[n]o great principle was at stake in first-century Judaea, certainly not the physical survival of the Jews. All-out war with the imperial power was not the only course available.By emphasizing how Joseph might not be a traitor and turncoat, his standing reputation is pretty obvious—even to someone who has never heard of him before. Having no prior exposure to the Judaean ex-General myself, it meant my image of Josephus-as-traitor was wrought exclusively from the negative space formed by the refutations of that caricature.
Joseph found an ingenious way of resupplying the town by night. He sent couriers out via the western side of the valley, down a defile so steep that the Roman’s felt no need to keep close watch on it. When in sight of the guard posts, the runners were instructed to cover their backs with sheepskins and crawl. In that way they could be mistaken for slinking dogs. This Odyssean ruse enabled Joseph to stay in cursory contact with Jews outside the city [of Jotapata] and to bring weapons and fresh food, if very little water, back into it.After he was captured or surrendered or defected, depending on your perspective, Joseph was an outcast from both Roman and Jewish circles; the perpetual limbo of necessity kept him alone with his papers and his ink. His burden became our benefit, and his prodigious writings are still available right now, if you’ve got some time on your hands.
Ever since the triumph of Christianity, the allegation that all Jews are innately devious has justified the severity of those who have conspired to degrade or murder them. The bad conscience of the Christian sees in every new Jew the same old Jew, whose vengeance he dreads. In this light, Josephus typifies the Jew who got away: a traitor in the eyes of his own people and for Gentiles, as for Hannah Arendt, a typically “oily, adroit” customer who makes his deal with the enemy for his own private salvation. Arendt’s phrase proved infectious: her close friend Mary McCarthy described the playwright George S. Kaufman and his New York friends as “oily.” Prejudice is as much memetic as “psychological.” The poverty of language in almost all anti-Semitic literature is a symptom of the superficiality of the “ideas” which inform it.This is a comprehensive look at not just a figure, but all of the context which he embodies.
Joseph ben Mattathias knew that the “Jewish War” might never have taken place without the delusive precedent of the Maccabees’ triumph over the Seleucid monarchy in 167 B.C.E. Their rebellion was triggered by a demand by King Antiochus IV Ephiphanes (his full, typically overblown title declared him “God Manifest, Bearer of Victory”) that a pig by sacrificed, on an altar dedicated to Zeus, within the Temple precinct of Jerusalem. The order, from a king whose name alone was blasphemous to Jewish ears, was an expression not of orthodox Hellenic theology (there was none) but of exasperation with Jewish subjects who failed to give him the respect and—if there was any difference—the revenues he required.But some of the digressions seem to repeat—or maybe the repetition stems from the fact that similar things kept happening:
When the High Priest refused, as Antiochus knew he would, to defile the Temple’s altar with porcine blood, the king signed an edict banning the practice of Judaism altogether. He also proposed to defile the name of Jerusalem by attaching “Antioch” to it, in his own honor. His domineering actions had nothing to do with racial hatred. Cities were often renamed of hyphenated to emblazon a ruler’s fame. Why else is the world badged with Alexandrias? Jews might be feared or disliked, their solitary god despised or ridiculed; but conceit and covetousness required no ideological license. Juvenal and Tacitus are often cited as evidence of ancient antipathy to Jews because they wrote scornfully about them; but the list of people or peoples whom the sour patrician and the déclassé misogynist depicted with admiration is not a long one. It is true that, in his Germania, Tacitus seemed to find merit in the German tribes who, in 9 C.E., had pushed the Romans back across the Rhine, but his eulogy of the brawling northerners was intended more to highlight the effete decadence of contemporary Rome than to recommend the savage practices of the barbarians.
In 39 C.E., Herod’s grandson Agrippa landed in Alexandria on his way to assume the throne in Antioch. He was met and jostled by hostile demonstrators. A local clown called Carabas dressed up as “the king of the Jews” and parodied Agrippa’s strut. The mob called on Governor Flaccus to put images of the new emperor in the local synagogues, a provocative demand that he himself may well have scripted, knowing that it was bound to meet with doctrinaire Jewish opposition, which the Greeks could interpret, loudly, as disloyalty to Rome. Flaccus took the opportunity to rescind the Jews’ citizenship. They could then be pillaged and murdered with impunity.Most interesting here is that Flaccus was punished—executed—for stirring the pot. The unspoken suggestion is that the machinery of the Roman Empire wasn’t necessarily anti-Semitic, just opportunistic. What is omitted is whether or not Jewish citizenship in Alexandria was restored after the Caligula intervened. There are equal parts supposition and citation throughout A Jew Among Romans; facts mingle freely with unsupported but narratively conducive intimations. As the above excerpt shows, the scheme “may well” have been spun from Flaccus to riled up the Jews. Also unspoken was the implication that his subsequent execution was causally related to those actions. Flaccus may have been exiled and killed for any number of reasons, not just his cruel treatment of Alexandria’s Jews—he was subject to the whims of Caligula, after all.
With some courage, Agrippa returned to Alexandria after the pogrom. Having investigated the source and conduct, he denounced Flaccus to Caligula. The governor’s connivance must have been flagrant: the prefect was sent to the island of Andros and later executed. Philo interpreted this outcome as “indubitable proof that the help which God can give was not withdrawn from the nation of the Jews.”
In 38 C.E., soon after Caligula succeeded Claudius as emperor, Vespasian was elected aedile, but only just: he ranked at the bottom of the list of successful candidates. As the man now responsible for keeping the Roman streets clean of refuse and slops, he had the bad luck to meet the new emperor on a particularly filthy stretch of road. Fortunately, on this occasion, Caligula was more playful than—as he soon became—murderous: he had his bodyguard shovel the shit into the folds of the aedile’s toga and passed on by.While Joseph is the main subject of the text, the world he inhabits receives attention enough to fill in the gaps surrounding his actions and choices. Occasionally, the verisimilitude is spread a bit too thin:
The fall of Jerusalem had no theological deposit for the Romans, simply because they had no theology; the crushing of the Judaeans had only administrative consequences. It is, however, true that in Domitian’s reign, the fiscus Judaicus was extended to tax all those who adopted “the Jewish way of life.” This was less a dogmatic sanction against Jews than a way of raising revenue. If Domitian had been an ideological anti-Semite, he would have been capable of decreeing that had had “forbidden them to exist,” as—according to Cassius Dio—he did with the tiresome Nasamones in Libya.I’ve rarely elided “plague” and “fashionable”; it feels like a forced reconciliation of the author’s thesis and the documentation. That’s the main concern I have with A Jew Among Romans: everything fits too neatly. Maybe things really did work out so smoothly, but the unspoken contrarianism in the book—the goal to usurp the canon of Josephus as Jewish turncoat and Roman lackey and replace it with Joseph as rationalist and survivor—simply demands a more thorough understanding of the subject material than I could bring to bear.
Some historians argue that Judaism has to have been very unpopular after the Jewish War; but if the tax (first imposed by Titus) was worth levying, a large number of people must have been liable to it. Conversion to Judaism is also said to have become a “plague”—in other words, fashionable.