With three eye-wincing exceptions, this is a fantastic, fantastic book, and a very accessible history into a very opaque part of the financial world in which we all live (or, at least, are tolerated).
I'll start with my issues. I didn’t care for Chancellor describing slaves as being ‘employed’, or this summation of the genocide of white Americans:
‘Settlement of the frontier involved even greater risks, such as fending off Indians and wild animals [...]’
fending off alskdjfhsljdfh
Or this blithe dismissal of the Japanese nation, which, I’m sorry, could be any nation, including America:
‘The Japanese psyche is particularly prone to mood swings, shifting abruptly between elation and despair.’
UM WUT
The book was published in 1999, but I do not give much credence to the ‘of its time’ argument, because you could say that of the current time and I have no patience with espousing those sentiments now. All the same, in the end, this is a book about the stock market, and it’s a really good book on the stock market, so I’m passing over how it’s not a good book on the American genocides.
Francies Quaries, 1635: ‘What’s lighter than the mind? A thought. Than thought? This bubble world.’
Great quote, not about the stock market. This one, however, is:
Fred Schwed: ‘Speculation is an effort, probably unsuccessful, to turn a little money into a lot. Investment is an effort, which should be successful, to prevent a lot of money becoming a little.’
Chancellor starts all the way back in the Roman forum, and gives an overview of the first joint-stock companies formed in Amsterdam by refugees fleeing religious wars in mainland Europe. This time also saw the invention of ‘futures contracts’, where an agreement is made to deliver or take delivery of a commodity at some point in the future. You could do this with shares in the East India Company, and take out loans using the shares as collateral to ⅘ of their value. They also invented stock options (right to buy shares at a fixed price during the contract period), and ducaton shares (where you could be poor and buy 1/10 priced shares). Chancellor says these were the first derivatives, in that they derive their value from the underlying asset (the share).
The key thing I learned about Tulipmania is that afterwards, the prices of precious tulips regained their value. The normal ones that people were buying like mad did not. It does prove the points of both Thomas Piketty and Scott Pape that in general the savvy investors come through crashes just fine; it’s the ordinary schmoes who get fucked.
In chapter two, which deals with the 1690s, Chancellor explains discounting. You assume the value of future income, then apply a discount rate related to current interest rates, to ‘reduce’ it to a ‘present’ value. It’s also called the ‘time value of money’ and it’s a way of discounting anticipation. Also, it assumes a lot about the future.
He goes on to say that the speculative paradigm requires a few key factors. One is displacement, eg new investment. Positive feedback increases prices, which draws in new and inexperienced investors. Euphoria reduces rationality, which causes an extension of credit that ultimately leads to financial distress. The social conditions required are greed and minimal government interference, ie, low regulation and corruption.
‘JA Schumpeter observed that speculative manias commonly occur at the inception of a new industry or technology when people overestimate the potential gains and too much capital is attracted to new ventures.’
James Buchan: ‘The great stock market bull seeks to condense the future into a few days, to discount the long march of history, and capture the present value of all the future.’
I have never read about the South Sea Bubble in any detail, so I’m not sure how difficult it’s made out to be by other writers; Chancellor makes it reasonably straightforward in chapter three. Basically, the South Sea company took on the entire British national debt (!) in return for getting interest on the loan. (As Piketty says, companies prefer to take on debt with interest than just hand over taxes, which famously pays zero dividends.) As a ‘sweetener’ the South Sea Company agreed to give the government £7.5 million. What it did was take over a bunch of pensions (annuities) and convert them to shares. It was allowed to issue shares up to a value of £31.5 million (why that value I have no idea). After the 7 and the 31.5 million, anything left was profit. Nowadays, said surplus would be placed in a share premium account and considered part of the capital reserve, but not back then!
So in the mind of the South Sea Company, it wanted to swap as few shares as possible, because then it would have more left over to sell on the market and realise a profit. If the share price was a hundred quid, it would have to change pensions into 315,000 shares and sell the rest. But if the share price was two hundred quid, it would only have to change pensions into 150,000 shares and have loads of shares left to sell for profit. So it started bribing members of government with shares before the public conversion, in order that they wouldn’t force a fixed share price.
The lad running the company, John Blunt, set up a share subscription before he was even legally allowed to, and also offered loans using the shares themselves as capital. He kept a bunch of the stock himself to artificially reduce supply, and the loans allowed people to buy more shares, increasing demand. Hype began. Blunt also sold more than he owned, knowing that eventually the price would fall and he could buy them back cheaper and pay the difference, ie, ‘cover his shorts’. Shorts, I gather, are the shares you buy, usually with borrowed money.
Then the bubble burst, people started madly selling shares, the price then fell because supply increased and demand decreased, the bankers sold mortgaged stock because it was below the cut-off, etc etc. Afterwards, short sales and trades in futures and options were made illegal till the 1900s. Again, the rate of mercantile bankruptcies the following year wasn’t higher than normal; only ordinary people got fucked. Chancellor takes this opportunity to shit on the economists who believe in ‘rational bubbles’, which he calls ‘the greater fool strategy’ by another name.
‘Thomas Guy, the miserly stationer [...] sold [South Sea] shares with a nominal value of £54,000 for £234,000 (repenting a life of avarice, he later used some of the profits to endow the London hospital that bears his name).’
LOL
The next chapter deals with the 1820s and the one-time speculator and novelist, future Prime Minister, Benjamin Disraeli, and his attempts to sell people on emerging market prospects in South America.
‘[...] as the French saying goes, Achétez aux canons, vendez aux clairons.’
Disraeli: ‘Yes we must mix with the herd; we must enter into their feelings; we must humour their weaknesses; we must sympathise with sorrows we do not feel; and share the merriment of fools. Oh yes! To rule men we must be men … Mankind then is my great game.’
‘ “We fear,” [Disraeli] wrote with characteristic flippancy and a great deal of truth, “that the folly of man is not subject matter for legislation.”’
‘Although the shops were overflowing with goods and food was abundant, credit had taken flight. [...] The country, Huskisson remarked, was only forty-eight hours away from barter.’
All speculative bubbles see the formation of many new companies keen to cash in, offering small deposits to new investors. There needs to be plenty of rumours, manipulation by brokers, bribing of the press, and employment of politicians as decoy directors and so on so they won’t use the executive arm as the necessary counterweight. Yay!
In the next chapter we get into railway mania in 1845. Here I discovered what ‘scrips’ are: a share where only part is paid for, the rest left to be ‘called’ when needed (ie when building began). Many people bought more shares than they could pay for, with no intention of answering these calls, as they hoped instead to sell them on at a profit first. You can guess what dominos of shit this resulted in when the construction actually began.
‘According to John Stuart Mill, the seeds of each boom are sown during the preceding crisis, when the liquidation of credit causes asset prices to decline so severely that they become genuine bargains. Their subsequent sharp rise from a low level leads to a revival of speculation. After each crisis, the financial markets invariably shrug off past follies and losses to confront the future with bright optimism and fresh credulity. Capital becomes “blind”, to use Bagehot’s term. Unable to remember the past, investors are condemned to repeat it.’
In chapter 6, on the Gilded Age, he really gets into it – as we draw closer to the present day, he obviously had more sources to employ.
Vanderbilt: ‘Gentlemen, you have undertaken to cheat me. I will not sue you, for the law takes too long. I will ruin you.’ He kept his promise.
Love that for him.
‘When Georges Clemenceau, the future French prime minister, visited the United States after the Civil War, he concluded that the country had passed from a state of barbarism to one of decadence without an intermediate period of civilisation.’
A corner is a concerted attempt to buy enough shares to control their price and push it up (by reducing supply). This aims to catch out bears who sold stock short, hoping to buy back cheaper later, and I guess still owed money on the initial sale. The corner could then demand any price they liked because the short sellers still had to ‘cover’ their positions.
Call loans or margin loans were loans against stock collateral. Brokers used their customers’ stock as collateral, which the bank could recall at any time. There needed thus to be a margin of safety between the loan size, and the market value of the shares. This process of short-term loaning with high interest rates exists to provide money to buy and sell shares from day to day. It also increases stock market volatility, because the set-up is vulnerable to panics and people withdrawing money.
Watering stock is releasing unauthorised shares to drop the share price and thwart corners.
I love this: the ideal of the efficient market allocating efficiently is trumped by ‘mystery, manipulation, and thin margins.’
We then move on to the big kahuna, 1929. Like Galbraith does in his book on the subject, Chancellor emphasises the role of ‘investment trusts’, which held the securities of other companies and were sold as stable investments when they were, in fact, unstable. They loaned their surpluses to the call loan market, increasing demand for stock, capital for stock, and speculation.
Chancellor is mostly interested in his own time, however, the hangover from what he calls ‘cowboy capitalism’ of the 1980s, but what I think is now more generally known as Reaganomics. He points out something extremely important: that the value of ALL money is a consensus. He also contends that, despite prevailing wisdom, increased information (ie from the internet) doesn’t create stable markets or informed investors.
This is where we first meet Milton Friedman and his Efficient Market Hypothesis (snh). He helped usher in concepts like ‘capital asset pricing models’, which helped to suggest that shares have an inherent value. In the 1980s Lewis Rainieri of Salomon Brothers came up with separating bonds from their dividends and selling them separately, and ‘securitisation’ was born. Synthetic mortgage bonds also arrived, wherein the interest and the principal were separated. The principals were divided into those famous ‘tranches’ of repayment schedules, with the Z trache representing those who were the last and least likely to repay their principal. These were toxic waste or junk bonds. Another invention was the debt swap, of interest payments usually between users in two currencies. In 1996, outstanding derivative contracts like these amounted to $50 trillion. Chancellor remarks – in 1999, remember – ‘opinions differ as to whether this stimulated speculation’ OH GOD OH GOD OH GOD.
Also, this is where I finally found out what a hedge fund is. Unsurprisingly: nothing to do with hedgerows. It comes from a ‘hedged derivative position’, where one’s risk is offset by owning the underlying security. Their exposure is balanced between long positions (shares bought) and shorts (shares sold). This theoretically makes them ‘market neutral’. An UNhedged position on stock is highly ‘leveraged’ or in other words, DEBT. In this hedging thing, you can take out loans on stock collateral to 95% of their value, which incidentally has been illegal since the 1930s after such practices caused the 1929 crash. In 1998, hedge funds were worth $120 billion, 5 parts debt to 1 part equity. Um…
And now: leveraged buy outs. The Fed restricted margin debt to 50% post-1929, but this doesn’t apply to indebted (leveraged) buy outs. The interest payment is tax deducible and not subject to margin calls. The seller is not personally responsible for the LBO debt, which can be packaged and sold to others. When it tanks, it doesn’t hit the seller. By the end, the amount of actual equity (as opposed to debt and ‘corporate paper’) invested was FOUR PERCENT.
An absolute shark called Michael Milken came up with ‘high yield bonds’ in order to ‘replace capital with debt’ OH GOD OH GOD OH GOD. These high yield bonds are high yield because the credit rating of the borrower is so low, the interest rates are astronomical. The high yield ‘compensated’ for the high default rate.
‘Investing in a portfolio of speculative bonds, [Milken] claimed, would produce better returns over the log run than a portfolio of triple-A-rated debt issued by the likes of General Motors.’
Warrants are options to buy shares before contract expiry at a set price, used as a sweetener in deals. As the share price increased, warrant value increased, and with low interest payments that resulted in profit. Also, during the South Asia bubble (1990s, chapter 9), if you debt swapped your weak dollars for strong yen, you’d actually pay negative interest.
Leverage is the ratio of debt to equity.
The description of the economic situation of Japan is really interesting, especially as regards the land stock issue, and how they were trading on art (raising the price of French Impressionists by twenty times, and leading to a ‘confusion of investment and consumption') and golf club memberships, of all things. Rich people be crazy.
Hughes: ‘arts prices are determined by the meeting of real or induced scarcity with pure, irrational desire and nothing is more manipulable than desire.’
‘Because finance companies did not wish to realise losses on their loans by selling depreciated paintings, they crated them and stored them away from the public eye. As a result many famous pictures simply disappeared. When the National Gallery in Washington attempted to borrow Picasso’s Les Noces de Pierette for an exhibition in 1997, the museum was unable to locate either the painting or its current owner.’
I AM SICK
‘Indeed, the Japanese have a word to describe the custom by which a government official takes a job in an industry he has formerly regulated: they call it amakaduri or “descent from heaven”.’
I mean, at least they’re honest?
Chancellor points out the moral hazard of assuming governments will take over market risk when businesses are ‘too big to fail’; he calls this phrase a ‘harbinger of crisis’, prophetically.
I also thought this was just too funny:
‘The share price of Amazon.cm, an online bookstore, multiplied 18 times during 1998 (despite the company’s escalating losses). One fund manager described it as “the most outrageously priced equity in the world”, but advised buying the stock nonetheless.’
Chancellor’s concluding advice is as follows: the IMF should become the world’s central bank and lender of last resort (predicting Piketty’s advice to the ECB in 2014). He suggests that currency should be given a fixed value so derivatives could fuck right off (my synopsis). Speculation, he says, is anarchy.
I’ll leave the final words to Dr Mahathir, Malaysian PM, whose country was treated very well by the Western financiers:
‘When [Western speculators] use their big funds and massive weight to move shares up and down at will, and make huge profits from other manipulation, then it is too much to expect us to welcome them … Other than the profits to the traders there is really no tangible benefit for the world from this huge trade. No substantial jobs are created, no products or services enjoyed by average people … I am saying that currency trading is unnecessary, unproductive and immoral. It should be made illegal.’