Some interesting information captured below in the quotes. Not quite what I was expecting or hoped. But it seemed to be a fair perspective.
Rest assured, we are looking at our living presidents in much the same way the first citizens of the Republic viewed theirs, with emotions ranging from adoration to loathing, and basing judgments mostly on which political faction the person belonged to. If this generation has lost anything when it comes to its relationship with the presidency, it is a sense of perspective, just like previous generations often lost theirs.
Thus is the beauty of studying history—it offers the chance to examine the phenomenon of change and to regain a sense of perspective. By no coincidence, some of the most effective chief executives diligently studied the past.
Has the presidency gained more power than could have ever been imagined? In short, yes. So have the Supreme Court, the Congress, and the general population. When it first began, the modest United States sat clutching the Atlantic coastline. It was less than a hundred miles deep, numbering a few million people, with only one in four white males empowered to vote. Today, the Republic reaches five thousand miles across a continent and into the great Pacific, contains more than three hundred million inhabitants, and guarantees every law-abiding citizen the right to register and cast a ballot from anywhere in the world. It produces and consumes a quarter of the earth’s resources, has bases and businesses across the planet, and endures as the lone super-power left after a century of global wars. In tandem, the presidency and the country have transcended far beyond their original boundaries.
Kennedy it was newspapers, piles of them, and he could read fifteen hundred words a minute, nearly as fast as Jimmy Carter at two thousand words and more than 90 percent retention.
Wilson took up golf and had a hard time liking it. He described the game as “an ineffectual attempt to put an elusive ball into an obscure hole with implements ill-adapted to the purpose.”
Contrary to popular belief, the Founding Fathers as a whole were neither devoutly religious nor agnostic. The architects of the Republic were nearly as pluralistic as their four million constituents, from New England Puritans to Maryland Catholics, from rustic revivalists to urbane skeptics.
In 1776, only one out of six Americans belonged to a particular church, and many viewed providence with a sense of wonderment rather than doctrinal certainty. But when it came time to form a more perfect union, the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia agreed that if they were to save both church and state, separation was absolutely mandatory. The United States, with its multitude of denominations, would never stay united under the guise of a national religion. In order to survive, the government had to rule through the consent of the people, not through the assumption of divine right.
Most presidents firmly believed in a supreme being, and many invoked the blessings of heaven in public. But there have been some who actively blurred the separation between God and government. Initially they were the exception. But a transformation occurred after World War II, when the country faced an archenemy in the officially atheistic Soviet Union. To demonize the opposition—a standard tactic in wartime—the White House began to resemble a house of faith, a bastion of believers against a godless foe. When the strategy proved popular among voters, faith-based government slowly became a possibility. The wrath of Vietnam and WATERGATE further enticed the electorate to seek candidates with religious conviction, and openly spiritual presidents have been in place ever since.
Initially conservative, Wilson gradually adopted the sentiments of his predominantly progressive family, who viewed social reform rather than prayer as the clearest path to salvation. As an adult, Wilson summarized his new worldview in a speech before a YMCA assembly, insisting, “If you will think about what you ought to do for other people, your character will take care of itself…And that is the lesson of Christianity.”
When given the choice, Americans do not care for gentle souls atop the executive branch. Possibly the nicest presidents were Chester Arthur, William Howard Taft, and Gerald Ford. Of these three, only Taft was elected in his own right, and none of them won a second term.
1800, the federal government was spending ten million dollars per year. In 1900, the rate was ten million dollars every two days. In 2000, it was ten million dollars every three minutes. Even with adjusted dollars, Washington at present consumes money forty thousand times faster than when it first began.
In the first year of his presidency, Barack Obama was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, despite the fact that he had not engineered any major peace initiatives; was commander in chief of the most powerful military force on Earth; and was heading two major wars. The prize committee may have intended the medal to be a veiled critique against his predecessor George W. Bush as much as an endorsement of Obama’s inaugural vow to choose “hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.”
The territory acquired during the four years of the Polk administration was approximately 1.19 million square miles, or greater than the land area of Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Great Britain, Holland, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Poland, and Portugal combined.
On FDR:
To achieve this grand strategy, he was neither haphazard (like Hitler), heartless (like Stalin), hesitant (like Churchill), nor a figurehead (like Hirohito). Throughout the conflict, the U.S. forces were the best fed and the best equipped, with twice the ratio of doctors to troops as the Germans or Soviets, three times the manpower of Britain, and ten times the combat survival rate of the Japanese.
For every American killed in the Second World War, Japan lost nine, Germany lost seventeen, China lost thirty-five, and the Soviet Union lost sixty.
The price had been high—fifty-three thousand American dead from combat and more than sixty-three thousand consumed by disease. But in a little over a year, the United States had stopped a war that was killing an average of four hundred thousand human beings per month. Millions were being maimed or starved to death. At least eight million European children were orphaned by the time the shooting stopped.
U.S. aircraft dropped approximately eight million tons of bombs on Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos, making them respectively the first-, second-, and third-most bombed nations in the history of aerial warfare.
A traditionally tribal people also struggled to connect with each other, especially since most of them could not read or write; in analyzing the country’s social structure, the CIA estimated that 43 percent of males and less than 13% of females were functionally literate. Hope itself was a rare commodity, considering that even before the war began, Afghans had a life expectancy of less than fifty years and the highest infant mortality rate in the world.
the search for balance, both Martha and her husband relied on restraint. They showed respect for the office through formal dinners and upper-class attire, but they avoided behaving like royalty. The challenge for every first lady thereafter lay in finding equilibrium, to serve in an unelected, undefined position in such a manner that satisfied both right and left, prince and pauper, fellow American and foreign visitor. Most presidential spouses soon realized that they were publicly criticized no matter what they did.
the federal government holds more square miles of territory than any other nation in the world.
Per capita, the current generation of Americans consumes more food and fuel than any other before it.
An astute observer of history, John Adams once wrote of the inevitable fate of great nations: “When they have reached the summit of grandeur, some minute and unsuspected cause commonly affects their ruin, and the empire of the world is transferred to some other place.” Fittingly, he wrote this in 1755, as the subject of the British Empire. Ten years later, an imperial tax on paper would set into motion a great rebellion. Ten years after that, Adams himself would help his friend Jefferson craft the very document that would mark the birth of a new nation.