This absorbing study of the first—and decisive—phase of World War II tells not only how events happened but why they happened as they did. Eminent historian John Lukacs presents an extraordinary narrative of these two years, followed by a detailed sequential analysis of the lives of the peoples and then of the political, military, and intellectual relations and events.
“Lukacs’s book is consistently interesting, surprising, and provocative.”—James Joll, New York Times Book Review
“This dispassionate, humorous, serious, and brilliantly written book marks an important step forward in our understanding of a past that is still within living memory.”—Economist
“An excellent, valuable, and highly readable book. . . . It makes both fascinating and extraordinarily valuable reading. It is a major contribution to historical scholarship.”—Joseph G. Harrison, Christian Science Monitor
“A brilliant, original study of what this era meant--socially, politically, artistically, intellectually--in the lives of the peoples of Europe. . . . [Lukacs’s] grasp of emotional as well as intellectual history is commanding.”—New Yorker
“Deserves to be widely read, seriously considered, and vigorously debated.”—Gordon Wright, American Historical Review
Lukacs was born in Budapest to a Roman Catholic father and Jewish mother. His parents divorced before the Second World War. During the Second World War he was forced to serve in a Hungarian labour battalion for Jews. During the German occupation of Hungary in 1944-45 he evaded deportation to the death camps, and survived the siege of Budapest. In 1946, as it became clear that Hungary was going to be a repressive Communist regime, he fled to the United States. In the early 1950s however, Lukacs wrote several articles in Commonweal criticizing the approach taken by Senator Joseph McCarthy, whom he described as a vulgar demagogue.[1]
Lukacs sees populism as the greatest threat to civilization. By his own description, he considers himself to be a reactionary. He claims that populism is the essence of both National Socialism and Communism. He denies that there is such a thing as generic fascism, noting for example that the differences between the political regimes of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy are greater than their similarities.[2]
A major theme in Lukacs's writing is his agreement with the assertion by the French historian Alexis de Tocqueville that aristocratic elites have been replaced by democratic elites, which obtain power via an appeal to the masses. In his 2002 book, At the End of an Age, Lukacs argued that the modern/bourgeois age, which began around the time of the Renaissance, is coming to an end.[3] The rise of populism and the decline of elitism is the theme of his experimental work, A Thread of Years (1998), a series of vignettes set in each year of the 20th century from 1900 to 1998, tracing the abandonment of gentlemanly conduct and the rise of vulgarity in American culture. Lukacs defends traditional Western civilization against what he sees as the leveling and debasing effects of mass culture.
By his own admission a dedicated Anglophile, Lukacs’s favorite historical figure is Winston Churchill, whom he considers to be the greatest statesman of the 20th century, and the savior of not only Great Britain, but also of Western civilization. A recurring theme in his writing is the duel between Winston Churchill and Adolf Hitler for mastery of the world. The struggle between them, whom Lukacs sees as the archetypical reactionary and the archetypical revolutionary, is the major theme of The Last European War (1976), The Duel (1991), Five Days in London (1999) and 2008's Blood, Toil, Tears and Sweat, a book about Churchill’s first major speech as Prime Minister. Lukacs argues that Great Britain (and by extension the British Empire) could not defeat Germany by itself, winning required the entry of the United States and the Soviet Union, but he contends that Churchill, by ensuring that Germany failed to win the war in 1940, laid the groundwork for an Allied victory.
Lukacs holds strong isolationist beliefs, and unusually for an anti-Communist émigré, "airs surprisingly critical views of the Cold War from a unique conservative perspective."[4] Lukacs claims that the Soviet Union was a feeble power on the verge of collapse, and contended that the Cold War was an unnecessary waste of American treasure and life. Likewise, Lukacs has also condemned the 2003 invasion of Iraq.
In his 1997 book, George F. Kennan and the Origins of Containment, 1944-1946, a collection of letters between Lukacs and his close friend George F. Kennan exchanged in 1994-1995, Lukacs and Kennan criticized the New Left claim that the Cold War was caused by the United States. Lukacs argued however that although it was Joseph Stalin who was largely responsible for the beginning of the Cold War, the administration of Dwight Eisenhower missed a chance for ending the Cold War in 1953 after Stalin's death, and as a consequence the Cold War went on for many more decades.
'I am not a conservative. I am a reactionary".---John Lukacs
"The Second World War was won by Freud and lost by Jung".---Miguel Serrano
On June 22, 1941 Adolf Hitler gave the most consequential order of the Twentieth century---to attack the Soviet Union and thus put an unintentional end to the bourgeois world. This history of the first two years of the European War, 1939-1941 is worth reading precisely because Lukacs examines the conflict from a "reactionary" perspective and drives home the point that the post Barbarossa and post Pearl Harbor planet was nothing like the world of 1939. Lukacs, who loved to play gadfly to both the left and conservatives, demonstrates that even after the blitzkrieg years and the German occupation of Europe from Brest-Litovsk to the Pyrenees the old bourgeois order of family, church and private property held up fairly well. (The great exception to this for him is Poland, where both Nazis and Soviets introduced a new order through extermination of Jews and Poles.) In his telling, Hitler fought a war of realpolitik, not ideology, and his aim was German hegemony over Western Europe, leading to the neutralization, not occupation, of Great Britain. Meanwhile, Stalin gobbled up as much of Eastern Europe as he could, not in the name of Communism rather to create a cordon sanitaire against Hitler. The decision to attack Russia, per Lukacs, came to Hitler only when he realized the USSR was Britain's last hope for survival; an ironic stance, since Stalin did not care whether England lived or died. Along the way we learn some fascinating details: The German Army during these two crucial years was actually smaller than the French (defeated in 1940) and also inferior in numbers and material to the Red Army. Morale, not munitions, is what decided the outcome of the war and contra Serrano Lukacs thinks Jung won, i.e. mind triumphed over matter and materialism. The Nazis were successful and won adherents only when and where they could impress other Europeans with their speed and discipline; a feat no longer possible after December 1941. A book to read for both enlightenment on current events and the triumph of the will in history.
This is a typical scholarly Lukacs work, with high clarity insights and no inhibitions about expressing his informed critique of the work of other historians. Lukacs illuminates the events, the leadership and the popular sentiments of national (my italics) populations during the period leading up to the start of World War II and the initial conflict prior to the entry of the United States into the war in December 1941. The word "national" is highlighted to note the emphasis explained by Lukacs in The Last European War, based on his interpretation that national sentiments were of paramount importance in shaping both the popular reaction to war and the popular reception of the conflict. A strong impression: The people and leaders who were living through this turmoil had only marginal appreciation of the effectiveness and impact of their actions. Nevertheless, the Nazis rise to power was significantly facilitated by the passivity (an informed passivity, not a state of ignorance) of too many individuals who didn't advocate a morally-framed opposition. Read more of my book reviews and poems here: www.richardsubber.com
This is more of a DNF. Part I was good. The last European War is the first half of WWII before the world joined in. Part II didn’t hold my attention so I stopped and gave the book away.