A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba

Envisioning Cuba

by Alejandro de la Fuente

After thirty years of anticolonial struggle against Spain and four years of military occupation by the United States, Cuba formally became an independent republic in 1902. The nationalist coalition that fought for Cuba's freedom, a movement in which blacks and mulattoes were well represented, had envisioned an egalitarian and inclusive country-a nation for all, as Josace Martei described it. But did the Cuban republic, and later the Cuban revolution, live up to these expectations? Tracing the formation and reformulation of nationalist ideologies, government policies, and different forms of social and political mobilization in republican and postrevolutionary Cuba, Alejandro de la Fuente explores the opportunities and limitations that Afro-Cubans experienced in such areas as job access, education, and political representation. Challenging assumptions of both underlying racism and racial democracy, he contends that racism and antiracism coexisted within Cuban nationalism and, in turn, Cuban society. This coexistence has persisted to this day, despite significant efforts by the revolutionary government to improve the lot of the poor and build a nation that was truly for all.

Genres: History, Latin American History, Nonfiction, Race

464 pages, Paperback

First published January 1, 2001

Reviews

[Sasha (bahareads) · Rating 4 out of 5]

Alejandro de la Fuente breaks up his text into four sections. His main argument is split into three questions that he seeks to answer for readers. Race plays a part in all three questions. The questions are how unequal racial has Cuban society been across education, the labour market, and power resources; How did the revolution’s programs help Afro-Cubans economically and socially; and lastly, how did racial ideologies within Cuba define racial coexistence. Fuente claims to do something new with his approach to these questions. According to Fuente, previous literature “does not provide a coherent explanation for the often ambiguous roles that perceptions of race have played in Cuban society, economy, and politics.”

I wonder at Fuente’s claims to bring something new to Cuban historiography. I am not familiar with Cuban historiography, so I cannot answer that question well in its entirety, but I do think he answers the questions he poses well. Fuente does not highlight gender; there is only a male-driven narrative in looking at Cuba in this book. Women are rarely highlighted in terms of what they contributed to an era of Cuban history. I feel this was a missed opportunity because the issues of race and gender can be intersectional.

The claim of race is central to making Cuba into a nation. Race, or lack of race, depending on the era of Cuban history, has helped shape the country into its modern-day form. Fuente strives to show the readers how Afro-Cubans secured their rights from the state and how limited those rights were for Afro-Cubans. Each book section highlights race in the era it covered in Cuban history. The second section was my favourite in its highlighting the racial inequality in Cuba. The third and fourth sections are not broken up into as many sub-sections as the first two sections in the text.
The sources Fuente uses in A Nation for All has a wide range. The national archives in Cuba and the USA are used. Afro-Cuban periodicals and Cuban government documents are cited in this text. Other books, articles, and papers are used for research as well. Films are used, which surprised me, though Fuente mentions films Afro-Cubans participated in. I would not have thought of using movies as research or source work. Though I suppose the film is an excellent way to capture what is happening in society or what the popular narrative pushes during its release. Looking through the sources, another one that struck me was the Cuban Ministry of Social Welfare used for some of the statistics throughout the book. I was surprised to see these items available for public use.

Fuente argues the link many scholars make between the revolution and racial justice is problematic. He says that it implies racial equality is dependent upon a particular set of structures that the government has to enforce. This comment struck me. While I do not know a great deal of Cuban history, there are parallels in other parts of the world regarding people’s expectations of the government reenforcing ‘proper’ social norms. The way Fuente phrased that statement made me think about the subject in a way I had not previously.

The rise of educated black people in Cuba went up due to Afro-Cubans own motivation to show while Cubanness was supposed to overshadow race, it did not. While Afro-Cubans did not have as easy access to education as their white counterparts when opportunities were available for educational advancement, Afro-Cubans seized them. The tension with why Afro-Cubans were not as educated shows that prejudice still existed. Fuente says, “white intellectuals, politicians, and employers perceived Afro-Cubans’ lack of education as a manifestation of ‘black problems’” while Afro-Cubans blamed racism and colonialism. The bias is evident in this sentence because what does “black problems” mean? What did it mean to white Cubans who faulted blacks for society faults?

The association between Fidel Castro’s regime and their support of African Americans surprised me. I remember hearing they supported more radical black movements in the USA, but it is not mentioned much in the famous historical narrative. Presenting Cuba as a diverse nation is an interesting tactic. Using the issue of race to help align themselves with other people of colour struggling gives an exciting view into Cuba’s foreign policy. A Nation for All had great information related to Cuban history and race in the 20th century. It was an informative read.

[Dasha · Rating 4 out of 5]

In A Nation for All, Alejandro De La Fuente explores the interaction between race, economics, politics, and nation-building in twentieth-century Cuba. Afro-Cubans take an important role in de La Fuente’s analysis. He traces the protracted battle Afro-Cubans faced as they sought to secure rights. He demonstrates how Afro-Cuban's positions in society shifted throughout the twentieth century, as they earned or lost rights, but they nonetheless remained central to political dialogues. De La Fuente's ambitious book explains Afro-Cubans' access to resources such as jobs and education, how race influenced life during both the republic and the revolution, and how the revolution impacted identity and race.
De La Fuente divides his book into four parts. The first section discusses the first Cuban republic formed in 1902 after the United States withdrew their occupation. As such, race played an important in politics as the newly independent nation sought out its own identity. Race became central to elections, particularly for Gerardo Machado, who cultivated Afro-Cubans votes through the concept of racial fraternity. By the end of the first republic, Afro-Cubans possessed more work opportunities than before, but race, among other factors, still limited opportunities.
The second section builds upon the first by exploring racial inequalities between 1900 and 1950. Race impacted immigration, education, and mobility. For example, white immigrants were preferred, both as a tool to modernize and “whiten” the nation. Despite such challenges, Afro-Cubans made improvements through exclusive societies and education that allowed them entry to politics and institutions where they could impart further advancement.
The third section focuses on the second republic between 1933 and 1958. Both Fulgencio Batista’s government and the opposing revolutionary groups used race as a rallying point in their propaganda. This section de La Fuente demonstrates the importance of the Afro-Cuban's vote and how parties attempted to cultivate their support. Communism promised a “nation for all,” yet discrimination proliferated after the revolution, which is de La Fuente's focus in section four. Economic struggles in the 1990s brought out these issues and demonstrated that although progress occurred, race perceptions continue to impact Cuba's social relations.
One strength of de La Fuente's analysis is that it sheds light on the complex and contradictory role race played in Cuba's nation-building. A second strength is the number of primary sources his work is based on, particularly Afro-Cuban periodicals such as Rumbos and Adelante. Such research allows de La Fuente to express the Afro-Cuban perspective. He also draws on well over sixty other periodicals published in Cuba and the United States. He also utilizes a long list of government documents that are central to understanding the interaction between the state's politics of nation-building and race. However, more research on women's roles may have added another dimension to his work. How Afro-Cuban women intersected with race, politics, education, and economics may have revealed important insights into Cuban gender roles. Nonetheless, De La Fuente’s meticulous research is the main strength that allows the book to succeed.

[Alexandra Miller · Rating 3 out of 5]

3.5 read for a class.

[Manuel A. Crespo-Rodríguez · Rating 5 out of 5]

Excelente libro. Es increíble atisbar la cuestión racial en Cuba y cómo se trató de resolver durante el siglo XX.