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Carta de Jamaica
La Carta de Jamaica es un texto de referencia en el programa bolivariano de emancipación de América. Las referencias a México, Venezuela, Colombia, Perú y Cuba y las reflexiones sobre una futura federación americana fueron duranto todo el siglo XIX una continua fuente de inspiración para el continente.
Kindle Edition
First published January 1, 2007
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About the author
Simón Bolívar
229 books47 followersSouth American revolutionary leader Simón Bolívar, known as "the Liberator," defeated the Spanish in 1819; made president of greater Colombia, including now Panama, Venezuela, and Ecuador, he helped from 1823 to Peru and Bolivia.
Antonio José de Sucre fought with Simón Bolívar to liberate Ecuador and Peru.
From the empire, Simón José Antonio de la Santísima Trinidad Bolívar y Palacios of common military and politics, together with José de San Martín, played a key role in successful Latin struggle for independence.
Following the triumph over the monarchy, Bolívar participated in the foundation of the first named union of independent Latin nations.
People regard Simón Bolívar as a Latin hero and visionary. During his short life, he brought independence and lay the foundations for much Hispanic democratic ideology. For this reason, people often refer or compare him with George Washington.
Antonio José de Sucre fought with Simón Bolívar to liberate Ecuador and Peru.
From the empire, Simón José Antonio de la Santísima Trinidad Bolívar y Palacios of common military and politics, together with José de San Martín, played a key role in successful Latin struggle for independence.
Following the triumph over the monarchy, Bolívar participated in the foundation of the first named union of independent Latin nations.
People regard Simón Bolívar as a Latin hero and visionary. During his short life, he brought independence and lay the foundations for much Hispanic democratic ideology. For this reason, people often refer or compare him with George Washington.
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Displaying 1 - 17 of 17 reviews
August 30, 2016
[I read a translation of the letter by [author:Lewis Bertrand|2553120. Will publish a Spanish translation of this review as soon as possible.]
"Yo diré a Vd. lo que puede ponernos en actitud de expulsar a los españoles y de fundar un gobierno libre: es la unión, ciertamente; mas esta unión no nos vendrá por prodigios divinos sino por efectos sensibles y esfuerzos bien dirigidos. La América está encontrada entre sí, porque se halla abandonada de todas las naciones; aislada en medio del universo, sin relaciones diplomáticas ni auxilios militares, y combatida por la España que posee más elementos para la guerra que cuantos nosotros furtivamente podemos adquirir."
English:
"I shall tell you with what we must provide ourselves in order to expel the Spaniards and to found a free government. It is union, obviously; but such union will come about through sensible planning and well-directed actions rather than by divine magic. America stands together because it is abandoned by all other nations. It is isolated in the center of the world. It has no diplomatic relations, nor does it receive any military assistance; instead, America is attacked by Spain, which has more military supplies than any we can possibly acquire through furtive means. "
This was an interesting document to read. One part history, one part political analysis about the two forms of government in Latin America, and finally a political speculation manifesto about the future of Spanish Latin America. It was originally written during a very low point for Simón Bolívar: he saw the second republican government of Venezuela collapse and he was exiled from South America for the second time having to find brief sanctuary in Jamaica in early September of 1815. When a curious mind in Jamaica wrote to "The Liberator" for clarification on the history and current state of Spanish Latin America and its independence movement. Bolívar took advantage of this opportunity to present his case to a wider audience and had this letter I am now reviewing widely circulated. In it he gave an "abridged" history of the viceroyalties of the Spanish crown and what would happen in the coming years.
The history portion of this letter is...a bit dubious. While Bolívar is fine with blaming the Spanish for everything wrong in Latin America, he leaves off a lot of the problems the white creole aristocracy (which he belonged to) did and his view is distinctly that of a colonial slave master (hello George and Tom). But he was much better at observing the current state of affairs in his northern South America and Latin America at-large. He is honest in admitting that the geography of South America made it difficult to analyze much of what was going on there, but he is much more able to deduce the happenings of his counterparts in Mexico. Of course, most of his analysis is about northern South America and the viceroyalties there which he had lead or worked in at one point (specifically Venezuela and New Granada). He specifically concentrates on the two forms of governments that are being used: centralized system (e.g. United Kingdom or modern-day France and Germany) and, more popularly, the newer federalized system (e.g. modern-day North America). Bolívar is very anti-federal and gives his reason as:
The most interesting part of this letter is his "speculation" on the future of Spanish Latin America (not including the Caribbeans, though he briefly mentions Cuba and Puerto Rico). When talking about Mexico, Argentina, Peru, and Uruguay/Paraguay Bolívar was pretty accurate, despite really feeling (to me) that he was making educated guesses. He was totally wrong on Chile's fate, but it can be summed up to him not having any real information about what was going on there. But when he speculates on the future of Venezuela and New Granada he takes a different tone. His "speculation" about this area is less educated guessing and more statement of intent--which it was. When he made it back to Venezuela, with the backing of the Haitian military, Bolívar would implement the whole of this section of the letter to the last detail. (I will post the whole of this long paragraph at the bottom.)
Though the Carta de Jamaica is not as well known internationally as Thomas Paine's Common Sense, it is just as important, if not more, as that document. It was the great mission statement by the man who would take point in the effort to liberate Latin America from Spanish rule and he would spend his life in "the labyrinth" of it.
"New Granada will unite with Venezuela, if they can agree to the establishment of a central republic. Their capital may be Maracaibo or a new city to be named Las Casas (in honor of that humane hero) to be built on the borders of the two countries, in the excellent: port area of Bahía-Honda. This location, though little known, is the most advantageous in all respects. It is readily accessible, and its situation is so strategic that it can be made impregnable. It has a fine, healthful climate, a soil as suitable for agriculture as for cattle raising, and a superabundance of good timber. The Indians living there can be civilized, and our territorial possessions could be increased with the acquisition of the Goajira Peninsula. This nation should be called Colombia as a just and grateful tribute to the discoverer of our hemisphere. Its government might follow the English pattern, except that in place of a king there will be an executive who will be elected, at most, for life, but his office will never be hereditary, if a republic is desired. There will be a hereditary legislative chamber or senate. This body can interpose itself between the violent demands of the people and the great powers of the government during periods of political unrest. The second representative body will be a legislature with restrictions no greater than those of the lower house in England. The Constitution will draw on all systems of government, but I do not want it to partake of all their vices. As Colombia is my country, I have an indisputable right to desire for her that form of govemment which, in my opinion, is best. It is very possible that New Granada may not care to recognize a central government, because she is greatly addicted to federalism; in such event, she will form a separate state which, if it endures, may prosper, because of its great and varied resources."
"Yo diré a Vd. lo que puede ponernos en actitud de expulsar a los españoles y de fundar un gobierno libre: es la unión, ciertamente; mas esta unión no nos vendrá por prodigios divinos sino por efectos sensibles y esfuerzos bien dirigidos. La América está encontrada entre sí, porque se halla abandonada de todas las naciones; aislada en medio del universo, sin relaciones diplomáticas ni auxilios militares, y combatida por la España que posee más elementos para la guerra que cuantos nosotros furtivamente podemos adquirir."
English:
"I shall tell you with what we must provide ourselves in order to expel the Spaniards and to found a free government. It is union, obviously; but such union will come about through sensible planning and well-directed actions rather than by divine magic. America stands together because it is abandoned by all other nations. It is isolated in the center of the world. It has no diplomatic relations, nor does it receive any military assistance; instead, America is attacked by Spain, which has more military supplies than any we can possibly acquire through furtive means. "
This was an interesting document to read. One part history, one part political analysis about the two forms of government in Latin America, and finally a political speculation manifesto about the future of Spanish Latin America. It was originally written during a very low point for Simón Bolívar: he saw the second republican government of Venezuela collapse and he was exiled from South America for the second time having to find brief sanctuary in Jamaica in early September of 1815. When a curious mind in Jamaica wrote to "The Liberator" for clarification on the history and current state of Spanish Latin America and its independence movement. Bolívar took advantage of this opportunity to present his case to a wider audience and had this letter I am now reviewing widely circulated. In it he gave an "abridged" history of the viceroyalties of the Spanish crown and what would happen in the coming years.
The history portion of this letter is...a bit dubious. While Bolívar is fine with blaming the Spanish for everything wrong in Latin America, he leaves off a lot of the problems the white creole aristocracy (which he belonged to) did and his view is distinctly that of a colonial slave master (hello George and Tom). But he was much better at observing the current state of affairs in his northern South America and Latin America at-large. He is honest in admitting that the geography of South America made it difficult to analyze much of what was going on there, but he is much more able to deduce the happenings of his counterparts in Mexico. Of course, most of his analysis is about northern South America and the viceroyalties there which he had lead or worked in at one point (specifically Venezuela and New Granada). He specifically concentrates on the two forms of governments that are being used: centralized system (e.g. United Kingdom or modern-day France and Germany) and, more popularly, the newer federalized system (e.g. modern-day North America). Bolívar is very anti-federal and gives his reason as:
"Among the popular and representative systems, I do not favor the federal system. It is over-perfect, and it demands political virtues and talents far superior to our own. For the same reason I reject a monarchy that is part aristocracy and part democracy, although with such a govemment England has achieved much fortune and splendor. Since it is not possible for us to select the most perfect and complete form of government, let us avoid falling into demagogic anarchy or monocratic tyranny. These opposite extremes would only wreck us on similar reefs of misfortune and dishonor; hence, we must seek a mean between them. I say: Do not adopt the best system of government, but the one that is most likely to succeed."This is a position which he seems to have carried to the beginning the the countries he governed would all be strongly centralized.
The most interesting part of this letter is his "speculation" on the future of Spanish Latin America (not including the Caribbeans, though he briefly mentions Cuba and Puerto Rico). When talking about Mexico, Argentina, Peru, and Uruguay/Paraguay Bolívar was pretty accurate, despite really feeling (to me) that he was making educated guesses. He was totally wrong on Chile's fate, but it can be summed up to him not having any real information about what was going on there. But when he speculates on the future of Venezuela and New Granada he takes a different tone. His "speculation" about this area is less educated guessing and more statement of intent--which it was. When he made it back to Venezuela, with the backing of the Haitian military, Bolívar would implement the whole of this section of the letter to the last detail. (I will post the whole of this long paragraph at the bottom.)
Though the Carta de Jamaica is not as well known internationally as Thomas Paine's Common Sense, it is just as important, if not more, as that document. It was the great mission statement by the man who would take point in the effort to liberate Latin America from Spanish rule and he would spend his life in "the labyrinth" of it.
"New Granada will unite with Venezuela, if they can agree to the establishment of a central republic. Their capital may be Maracaibo or a new city to be named Las Casas (in honor of that humane hero) to be built on the borders of the two countries, in the excellent: port area of Bahía-Honda. This location, though little known, is the most advantageous in all respects. It is readily accessible, and its situation is so strategic that it can be made impregnable. It has a fine, healthful climate, a soil as suitable for agriculture as for cattle raising, and a superabundance of good timber. The Indians living there can be civilized, and our territorial possessions could be increased with the acquisition of the Goajira Peninsula. This nation should be called Colombia as a just and grateful tribute to the discoverer of our hemisphere. Its government might follow the English pattern, except that in place of a king there will be an executive who will be elected, at most, for life, but his office will never be hereditary, if a republic is desired. There will be a hereditary legislative chamber or senate. This body can interpose itself between the violent demands of the people and the great powers of the government during periods of political unrest. The second representative body will be a legislature with restrictions no greater than those of the lower house in England. The Constitution will draw on all systems of government, but I do not want it to partake of all their vices. As Colombia is my country, I have an indisputable right to desire for her that form of govemment which, in my opinion, is best. It is very possible that New Granada may not care to recognize a central government, because she is greatly addicted to federalism; in such event, she will form a separate state which, if it endures, may prosper, because of its great and varied resources."
August 12, 2021
Estamos assim em condições de dizer que todos os filhos da América espanhola, seja qual for a sua cor ou condição, estão ligados por um afecto fraternal e recíproco, que nenhuma maquinação poderá alterar. [...] Nenhum grito de ódio contra nenhuma cor, estado ou condição por eles foi lançado, excepto contra os espanhóis europeus, universalmente detestados.
Este é um documento fundamental para quem pretende fazer um estudo rigoroso da história da América Latina, em particular da construção da sua identidade independente. Bolívar manifesta já o sonho do pan-americanismo, rejeitando, ainda assim, soluções federais que encarava como enfraquecedoras da unidade patriótica.
Este é um documento fundamental para quem pretende fazer um estudo rigoroso da história da América Latina, em particular da construção da sua identidade independente. Bolívar manifesta já o sonho do pan-americanismo, rejeitando, ainda assim, soluções federais que encarava como enfraquecedoras da unidade patriótica.
August 30, 2019
Documento básico para comenzar a ahondar en nuestra historia e identidad como latinoamericanos
February 18, 2016
2.5/5
I read this for a module at university - ‘Conflict and Violence in the Spanish Speaking World’. I’m quite thankful that I've previously studied Bartolomé de las Casas, which really helped me understand the context of this. There’s a lot about the Spanish ‘conquistadores’, whose tyranny Las Casas depicted in ‘Brevísima relación de la destrucción de las Indias’. In light of this Bolívar is writing this letter about independence of the Latin American countries and Pan-Americanism, which he realises would be impractical.
Some of the ideas about government and politics were quite interesting, and some of the language was memorable (e.g. Spain is described as “wicked stepmother” that is “the source of all [the Americas’] suffering”, a phrase which I thought succinctly summed up everything Las Casas had previously recounted in his book, and which now sums up what Bolívar is saying. Overall I don’t necessarily think it was entertaining to read, and some parts were a bit hard to follow, but it was nice to learn more about the figure of Simón Bolívar, someone who I didn't really know a lot about.
I read this for a module at university - ‘Conflict and Violence in the Spanish Speaking World’. I’m quite thankful that I've previously studied Bartolomé de las Casas, which really helped me understand the context of this. There’s a lot about the Spanish ‘conquistadores’, whose tyranny Las Casas depicted in ‘Brevísima relación de la destrucción de las Indias’. In light of this Bolívar is writing this letter about independence of the Latin American countries and Pan-Americanism, which he realises would be impractical.
Some of the ideas about government and politics were quite interesting, and some of the language was memorable (e.g. Spain is described as “wicked stepmother” that is “the source of all [the Americas’] suffering”, a phrase which I thought succinctly summed up everything Las Casas had previously recounted in his book, and which now sums up what Bolívar is saying. Overall I don’t necessarily think it was entertaining to read, and some parts were a bit hard to follow, but it was nice to learn more about the figure of Simón Bolívar, someone who I didn't really know a lot about.
December 29, 2015
I read this in english so I'm not sure it counts.
September 10, 2020
El texto es apabullante. Bolívar habla más desde el corazón (e incluso desde el hígado) más que desde el cerebro. Claro, el fin de la carta era mostrar un cuadro de las razones para la independencia de los virreinatos de España. Hace una exposición de los agravios históricos que han sufrido los criollos y sorprende que en un momento tan temprano ya buscara Bolívar la raíz de la nacionalidad de cada país por liberarse en algún grupo indígena, con mucho o poca fortuna según el caso. El autor no deja de aludir a la leyenda negra antiespañola para abonar apoyo a la causa.
Aunque la redacción parece razonada, late la pasión por la libertad. Eso debe reconocerse. Lo increíble es que el análisis de la convulsa situación de Iberoamérica pudiera hacerse aparentemente tan desapasionadamente. Se le ha revestido al documento de un carácter profético; no dudo que lo tenga.
Vale la pena leer este texto cuando uno se encuentra relajado y no tenga mejor lectura que hacer.
Aunque la redacción parece razonada, late la pasión por la libertad. Eso debe reconocerse. Lo increíble es que el análisis de la convulsa situación de Iberoamérica pudiera hacerse aparentemente tan desapasionadamente. Se le ha revestido al documento de un carácter profético; no dudo que lo tenga.
Vale la pena leer este texto cuando uno se encuentra relajado y no tenga mejor lectura que hacer.
March 1, 2025
Es un documento que va más allá de la política y la estrategia militar; es una reflexión profunda sobre la historia de América Latina, sus desafíos y sus aspiraciones de libertad.
Bolívar analiza las causas del fracaso de la Primera República en Venezuela y plantea su visión para la independencia de los países sudamericanos. Destaca la importancia de la unión entre los pueblos para lograr la emancipación y advierte sobre los peligros del intervencionismo extranjero en la región.
Lo que hace que la "Carta de Jamaica" sea tan relevante hasta hoy es su visión de futuro. Bolívar no solo buscaba la independencia política, sino también la creación de una confederación de naciones libres, capaz de autogobernarse y cooperar en beneficio mutuo. Es un llamado a la unidad y a la construcción de identidades nacionales fuertes, pero también integradas.
Bolívar analiza las causas del fracaso de la Primera República en Venezuela y plantea su visión para la independencia de los países sudamericanos. Destaca la importancia de la unión entre los pueblos para lograr la emancipación y advierte sobre los peligros del intervencionismo extranjero en la región.
Lo que hace que la "Carta de Jamaica" sea tan relevante hasta hoy es su visión de futuro. Bolívar no solo buscaba la independencia política, sino también la creación de una confederación de naciones libres, capaz de autogobernarse y cooperar en beneficio mutuo. Es un llamado a la unidad y a la construcción de identidades nacionales fuertes, pero también integradas.
January 20, 2020
The most important political document in the history of Latin America
Written in elegant prose, with passion and futuristic vision, this Bolivarian document offers insights into the history of Spanish America, the conditions that triggered its quest for liberation and the type of Government that would result from independence, that are as relevant today as they were in 1815. A must read not just for scholars and historians, but for all Latin Americans and those interested in understanding this part of the world.
Written in elegant prose, with passion and futuristic vision, this Bolivarian document offers insights into the history of Spanish America, the conditions that triggered its quest for liberation and the type of Government that would result from independence, that are as relevant today as they were in 1815. A must read not just for scholars and historians, but for all Latin Americans and those interested in understanding this part of the world.
January 20, 2019
Simón Bolívar ha hecho que con su pluma durante 20 hojas de carta, exponga una reflexión del poder, de la política de Latino América. Es poético la manera en que analiza el continente americano, donde nos da el reconocimiento de aspirar a los derechos humanos, pero mirando a Europa, quienes como conquistadores, han intervenido en nuestro sentimiento de colonizados.
October 15, 2020
Algunas ideas magnificas para debatir, entre las más sonadas... cómo se ha desarrollado políticamente América Latina en relación con las otras naciones y dónde surge la identidad de "América Latina".
April 5, 2021
Pasar la infancia escuchando maravillas sobre la oratoria de Bolívar lo enfila a uno hacia un inexorable -si bien pequeño- desengaño. En la Carta de Jamaica, "El Libertador" resume los motivos para la independencia de los territorios americanos bajo dominio español, para luego especular sobre la situación de cada uno de ellos y repasar los pros y contras de sus posibles configuraciones políticas (federalismo, monarquías, repúblicas centralistas).
September 13, 2025
Bastante ilustrativo e interesante me pregunto a quien le estaba hablando pero expuso de forma bastante extensa y detallada el balance político general del continente americano de entonces, como es eso posible en una época en la que no existía ni el teléfono ni el internet, es algo asombroso
March 14, 2022
Analizarla es interesante, de alguna manera fue previsora y de otra aspiraba a mucho que no se podía lograr
August 17, 2022
Chido tu cotorreo
August 18, 2025
Chicos q poder de redacción!! Es realmente una magia ser capaz de embellecer tanto las palabras. Te amo Simón Bolívar aunque seas un poquito autoritario
December 19, 2020
An artful, but angular effort at describing recent history and drawing support for republican revolutionary movements in northern South America.
Bolivar’s language is inflected with muscular declarations and drama. For example: “The hatred that the [Iberian] Peninsula has inspired in us is greater than the ocean between us. It would be easier to have the two continents meet than to reconcile the spirit of the two countries.” This document has much loftier and electric language than his earlier Letter from Cartagena, and it is very clear to see that his audience is different now. He is trying to inspire the sense of a swift current of history carrying him & the republican cause toward an inevitable and glorious success, and to in doing so tempt potential allies into action by the allure of being close to that glow.
It was really interesting & instructive to track where Bolívar accounts for his own role in massacring thousands of unarmed Spaniards in Venezuela during his attempt to achieve independence during the Second Republic. By the time he is writing this letter, many people around the world are familiar with his infamous “Decree of War to the Death” endorsing a full-fledged, indiscriminate campaign of extermination against Spanish-born residents of Venezuela. It is an astoundingly bloody period. And yet, with tremendous gloss, he describes first giving attention to “obtaining domestic security against enemies within our midst.” The euphemism and the brevity of the off-hand reference is... striking, especially given his sure knowledge that the campaign was widely known. His trivialization here is not flattering.
I was most interested to see where Bolívar’s thinking was about what a revolutionary government would look like at this point in his life. I remain surprised by his commitment to a strong central authority, and his skepticism that his countrymen are “ready” for democracy. I was also surprised not to find here a conviction in the creation of a pan-American state (which is pretty much the only thing I had been taught about him in school), but rather an acknowledgement of the likely need for a patchwork of separate republics. There’s a really interesting moment where he basically anticipates the formation of the European Union and expresses his hope that down the road, such a framework could be built among well-established South-and-Central American republics.
Anyways. A document that tells me a lot about Bolívar as a political thinker and as a person in that particular moment in his life. Really worth the read.
Bolivar’s language is inflected with muscular declarations and drama. For example: “The hatred that the [Iberian] Peninsula has inspired in us is greater than the ocean between us. It would be easier to have the two continents meet than to reconcile the spirit of the two countries.” This document has much loftier and electric language than his earlier Letter from Cartagena, and it is very clear to see that his audience is different now. He is trying to inspire the sense of a swift current of history carrying him & the republican cause toward an inevitable and glorious success, and to in doing so tempt potential allies into action by the allure of being close to that glow.
It was really interesting & instructive to track where Bolívar accounts for his own role in massacring thousands of unarmed Spaniards in Venezuela during his attempt to achieve independence during the Second Republic. By the time he is writing this letter, many people around the world are familiar with his infamous “Decree of War to the Death” endorsing a full-fledged, indiscriminate campaign of extermination against Spanish-born residents of Venezuela. It is an astoundingly bloody period. And yet, with tremendous gloss, he describes first giving attention to “obtaining domestic security against enemies within our midst.” The euphemism and the brevity of the off-hand reference is... striking, especially given his sure knowledge that the campaign was widely known. His trivialization here is not flattering.
I was most interested to see where Bolívar’s thinking was about what a revolutionary government would look like at this point in his life. I remain surprised by his commitment to a strong central authority, and his skepticism that his countrymen are “ready” for democracy. I was also surprised not to find here a conviction in the creation of a pan-American state (which is pretty much the only thing I had been taught about him in school), but rather an acknowledgement of the likely need for a patchwork of separate republics. There’s a really interesting moment where he basically anticipates the formation of the European Union and expresses his hope that down the road, such a framework could be built among well-established South-and-Central American republics.
Anyways. A document that tells me a lot about Bolívar as a political thinker and as a person in that particular moment in his life. Really worth the read.
Displaying 1 - 17 of 17 reviews