Of all the Palestinian books I’ve read, this is my favorite so far. A friend recommended it (is there anything more beautifully intimate than a thought-out book recommendation?) and I was stunned. Shehadeh is a Palestinian lawyer and an avid trekker. Each chapter of the book describes different travels, peppered with his own experiences.
Many times I will read a Palestinian book and become frustrated. The gap is simply too big, we can’t work together, there’s nothing I can do as an Israeli, etc. This was the first time I read a Palestinian book that actually made me feel like the demands are not too steep. Shehadeh doesn’t demand right of return for all Palestinians to Israel-proper. He doesn’t want the land from the river to the sea. He stands behind the two state solution, firmly and dedicated. It was quite sad for me to realize that if the majority of Palestinians and Israelis shared his stance, the conflict would have been over years ago.
This book is lovely because Shehadeh artfully combines beautiful descriptions of the nature with political thoughts. He ties them together through the land and it works beautifully. I often feel so immensely grateful to be here in this land and Shehadeh really pinpoints those feelings as well as the frustration over the political situation.
The book starts with pointing out that people have a tendency to transform this land to what they’d like it to be, rather than what it is. The West is truly obsessed with it but they are not the only ones. Both Israelis and Palestinians have an urge to see in this land what they'd like, to warp away what doesn't fit into the narrative. We struggle to see what is, to truly soak into the beauty of this place without letting antagonism towards the other sneak in.
Reading this book made me realize that on some level, the construction of the barrier fence/ wall was a crucial step in order to change the mental reality to two states. Shehadeh mourns his inability to reach parts of what he refers to as 1948 Palestine but in a two state solution, that isn’t Palestine. It’s Israel. Meanwhile, I cannot mourn my inability to reach Nablus because I have never been able to. Unlike the older generation, younger people no longer see this as feasible. This tragedy that Shehadeh is describing is the necessary steps for a two state solution, for Palestinians and Israelis to realize and accept that certain land is not their land.
Really, up until I read this, I didn’t fully understand that in the past, Israelis and Palestinians could just go to each other’s areas. Just like that. No wonder so many people support one-state solutions when the border was so blurry that the idea of your side getting all the land felt feasible and justified. In retrospect, Israel’s open border’s policy was a mistake if anyone was intending to create two states.
Shehadeh points out that this has caused an inability to know each other. He realizes that the younger generation doesn't know what Israelis (beyond soldiers) look like. Or, in the words of a Palestinian friend: "Israel is so diverse??".
I often think that Israelis do not comprehend the damage of the settlements. On some level, I get it- there’s a housing crisis in Israel, we feel like we don’t owe anything to Palestinians, we struggle to respect what foreign countries and bodies say when they never bother to recognize Jewish heritage or holy sites, etc. But all of this doesn’t mean we are excused from understanding what settlements do to Palestinians.
We are slowly killing the two state solution on our end and yes, it was already mostly dead due to the Palestinians but we are dooming ourselves by doing our part. We are forcing Palestinians to see their potential state be destroyed every day, bit by bit. The ugliest parts of the Israeli society become our ambassadors. Most of us sit in 1967 borders and ignore the impending crisis. This is unforgivable and reading this book made me see it even clearer. How can we do this?
Shehadeh criticizes much of the Palestinian leadership, especially Arafat. This was also something that increased my trust in him. Shehadeh foresaw that the Oslo Accords would fail as they prioritized recognition over specific changes on the ground. Instead of fixing systematic problems, it created Palestinian symbolism. That’s not peace. That’s not justice. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is fought by civilians every day in millions of ways, not by the government.
A few days ago, four Israeli civilians were murdered in a terror attack. A state owned Palestinian news outlet wrote a celebratory post but when Israel complained to the PA, they removed it. This is state level. Oslo solidified a government relationship but let me tell you, removing that one post by the news did not stop my social media feeds from being crammed with other triumphant voices (although to be fair, Palestinian Israelis vastly condemned it and this should be said). Oslo has brought to life a failed system, added an extra level of challenges.
Shehadeh also criticizes that the Oslo Accords were led by the Palestinian diaspora. I’ve never thought about that. I would never ever let the Jewish diaspora lead negotiations for Israel. The Palestinian diaspora had their own priorities that don’t necessarily align with the locals. They also weren’t often able to see what was going on the ground. He also criticizes the Palestinian leadership for their behavior in autonomy, for the fact that there was potential that was squandered by corruption, especially in the 90s.
At times, this book was inaccurate. For example, Shehadeh asks an Israeli why he won’t visit Ramallah and implies that a lack of willingness to do so means they view Palestinians as savages. And yet, I ask Shehadeh, can I come to Ramallah without hiding my identity as an Israeli? Can I speak Hebrew publicly? If I were to look religious, could I feel safe? I’ve yet to meet a Palestinian who doesn’t add to their invitation reservations about speaking only English, only saying that I’m American.
It’s convenient for Palestinians to suggest that Israelis don’t visit their areas cause we’re all racist. At the same time, Palestinians feel comfortable to visit Israel, despite the alleged Israeli racism. Palestinians are blind to the genuine fear Israelis feel and how that fear has roots in the stream of lynches and public support for terrorism.
Sometimes, during his meetings with Israelis in the book, there are certain nuances that he misses. However, reading this book was cool precisely because I got to see what certain interactions look like from someone else’s perceptive. For example, he describes a situation when he was hiking and got help from an Israeli. He presents it as though he was hiding his Palestinian-ness but as an Israeli, I am convinced they knew. I mean, come on. Just as he knew the person was Israeli, it’s usually very clear. Ethnic tension is always tangible, it has a shape and a form.
To conclude, compared to other books, I felt this had more nuance. Shehadeh comes across as passionate, intelligent and an excellent tour guide. It is easy to sympathize with his struggles. I didn't agree with everything written but I think it's well worth a read.
What I'm Taking With Me:
- He blames the Norwegians for “exploiting the weakness” of Arab generosity and I have to say, I’ve seen many takes about Oslo but this might be my favorite, as if the Norwegians were good hosts because it was a ploy to befriend and then cheat them.
- An Israeli asks him, “what guarantee will I have that you won’t ask to get Haifa and Jaffa?” and he does not respond. What a shame.
- The legal battle vs armed resistance- the idea that so far, the legal battle for Palestinians hasn't worked. Honestly, as a Politics student, I have so little faith in law. Law presumes neutrality but laws are man-made.
-There is also a legal imbalance, Shehadeh claims that Israel is much more savvy and skilled at negotiations. We learned about this imbalance of negotiations in one of my courses. Poorer and smaller countries often can’t be able to truly utilize international arenas.
-Shehadeh’s urge to present the settlements and broadly, Zionism, as though it is an irrational religious belief is unfair and simply false. He also assumes that a large part of Israeli opinions are based on lies. We would go further if we'd stop assuming the other side isn't as intelligent and understanding as us.
- Shehadeh complains about homes being built in general. That is, his complaint is broader than Israeli settlements- it reaches the idea of natural land being transformed into cities and villages. Really interesting perspective. The Palestine of endless walks in nature is slowly being destroyed by development.
--------------------------------
Me ranking a Palestinian book highly? It's more likely than you think. Review to come but for now, some thoughts on Palestinian political strategizing!
There’s an argument to be made that Palestinians cannot utilize both decolonization methods and anti-apartheid movements, even if in essence, they mean the exact same thing. Both are talking about a free Palestine, from the river to the sea, with no or limited forms of Jewish self determination. The end of Israel as we know it. Palestine, from the river to the sea.
However, if the fight is for a decolonized Palestine, demanding rights in Israel doesn’t make sense. You are trying to build post-colonial Palestinian institutions. Israel is the settler colonist so cooperation with Israeli institutions validates the colonizer. Don’t normalize. This is the fight Palestinians have fought until now, why many East Jerusalemers refuse citizenship, why Hamas and Israel haven’t been able to sort out the Gaza sewage problem and so on.
Right now, we are seeing a gradual shift to an apartheid argument. This is a brilliant move because it changes the goal posts. Instead of Palestinians being asked to accept a two state solution, it becomes on Israel to explain why it rejects a one state solution. It's not an Israeli-Palestinian conflict but rather, an Israeli apartheid. Every Palestinian issue becomes a result of Israeli intentions and policies. Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad are fighting each other in Gaza? That’s part of Israel’s malicious policies. Families in Hebron are shooting each other? That’s Israel’s fault. It’s much harder to prove a lack of malicious intent than it is to claim that a policy is intentional discriminatory.
(as a side note, Israel should stop responding to this by crying antisemitism. Instead, I would love to see an Israeli response be “you want our army out? excellent, so do we, let’s go to Oslo”. This is a bit of dirty move as it’s clear no such deal can happen and Oslo was a massive failure but no dirtier than framing a century old conflict as an apartheid.)
At the same time, by changing the goal posts, the apartheid argument also has some costs to the prior Palestinian argument. First, it removes the validation for opposing the settlements. What’s the difference between Rehovot and Kiryat Arba? There’s no more temporary occupation, it’s all apartheid, governed under one body. De facto annexed. In fact, surely settlements should be welcomed as a way to mix up the two racial groups? Really, the zero Jews (sorry, 1 kidnapped Jew) of Gaza is a concerning sign for our upcoming bi-nationalism. This type of thinking also highlights some kind of realism- recognition that cities like Ariel aren't going anywhere.
Moreover, by giving up on the concept of separation, of “Palestinian fragmentation”, as coined by Amnesty International, the apartheid argument also recognizes that Israel has a right to exist in some way. This is a massive shift. It is also a subtle way of acknowledging that Israel is a functional state, a state that could, in theory, become the state for all Palestinians and Jews. More power sharing within the Israeli framework while dismantling the Jewish elements of Israel.
So then, ironically, the framework of apartheid marks the end of the Palestinian national struggle. No more national collective rights, this is about equal civil and political rights for Palestinians as an ethnic group in sovereign Israel from the river to the sea. Where is the State of Palestine in the so called Israeli apartheid? What does the Palestinian flag or anthem symbolize in the reality of one state Israel? When does it become Palestine?
That’s the reason why some Palestinians complained about the Amnesty report- the report doesn’t talk about settler-colonialism or occupation. It has an absurd paragraph about how occupation and apartheid can exist together and it shrugs the challenging issues here by suggesting that they are only talking about human rights, not self determination. It doesn’t validate Palestinian resistance because it does not acknowledge that Palestinians are a nation who are fighting for national independence. They’re just an ethnicity, a race in Israel.
I hold that the lack of clarity about these two strategies is what will continue to hold Palestinians back. Both the apartheid argument and the decolonization argument don’t really give Israelis any moves. They offer nothing to Israelis, not even the prospect of peace or the end of violence. Both settler colonial frameworks and apartheid arguments push aside the national elements of Judaism and it is precisely these elements of Judaism that matter the most to Israelis (and let’s be honest, to the Diaspora when things go wrong). No self determination for Jews is a nonstarter.
Moreover, they contradict each other. Is Israel meant to increase its reach in order to end the “apartheid” or to minimize its reach in order to “decolonize”? Should Israel step out of the West Bank or annex it? There’s a vagueness, both in explaining what a decolonized Palestine looks like and in proving where the apartheid is (the West Bank? Gaza? East Jerusalem? All of the land? Depends on who’s speaking).
Interestingly, the more I dig into the conflict, the more I respect that the international community clutches the two state solution. We all see that the two state solution isn’t happening but the grain of truth in the two state solution is recognition of Jewish and Palestinian self determination. Without such recognition, more violence is assured. This precisely bothers both Palestinians and Israelis who refuse the self determination of the other.
And ultimately, I ask, okay, if there’s an apartheid, how is it dismantled? And here we find that this is exactly like the question “how do we dismantle the occupation?” or "how do we dismantle the settler colonialism?". Exactly the same as the question asked by the British and the UN in 1947. The language is harsher towards Israel but it is exactly the same. We beat around the bush but it's not changing anything. It’s been here for a century and if we don’t face it, it’ll be here for another century.
Two people, one land. How can we govern? How do we live in this land together in a way that is both just and equal? In a way that recognizes the valid Jewish right for self determination but also allows Palestinians the self determination that they deserve? Claiming Palestine needs to be decolonized doesn’t solve this. Claiming Israel is an apartheid state doesn’t solve this. Signing documents that no one follows doesn’t solve this. Our way out needs to start with radical acceptance of a complex reality.