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Gentleman Boss
“ ‘Chet’ Arthur President of the United States. Good God!” was perhaps the most pithy contemporary reaction to the accession of the twenty-first Chief Executive. It has certainly been the most enduring, even though Arthur himself has remained an enigma—in large part because this shrewd, secretive New Yorker saw to it that many of his private papers were destroyed shortly before he died. Drawing on a wealth of newly discovered documents, Thomas Reeves has no written the definitive, full-scale biography of Arthur, revising our inconsistent assumptions about both him and his era.
He gives us, for the first time, the unknown facts about Arthur’s early how, before he entered the boss-dominated Republican Party under the tutelage of men like the notorious Roscoe Conkling, this son of an itinerant minister was a model of nineteenth-century youthful idealism, first as a beloved schoolteacher, then as a young lawyer directly involved in the abolitionist struggle, and finally, as a conscientious and honest Quartermaster General for New York during the Civil War. Reeves assiduously plots Arthur’s consistently successful career as a master dealer in patronage and electioneering as a survivor among connivers—a career that culminated in his nomination as James Garfield’s Vice-President and, when Garfield was assassinated, his own White House inauguration, in spite of the great scandal attending his removal from the directorship of the New York Customhouse and the revelation that Garfield’s assassin claimed to be an Arthur supporter.
As Reeves makes abundantly clear, this spoilsman supreme, who personified the worst gaudy excesses of the Gilded Age, administered the laws of the land honorably and even disinterestedly—to the chagrin of his fellow bosses and henchmen. Attacked by both Republican friends (the Stalwarts) and Republican foes (the Half-Breeds) and weakened by the fatal Bright’s disease (a fact that was only made public by Reeves himself in 1972), Arthur worked to eliminate extravagant government expenditures, enacted and enforced civil service reform (thus undermining the basis of his own public life), assisted in the birth of a modern navy, and initiated an aggressive, expansionist foreign policy that set precedents for later administrations. Above all, Reeves concludes, Arthur provided calm and reassurance to a nation shocked by Garfield’s murder and beset by recurrent economic depression.
Beyond its illuminating portrait of the life and fortunes of Chester Alan Arthur, Gentleman Boss gives a telling account of the politics and politicos that shaped Arthur’s world—the corruption of the Grant, Hayes, and Garfield administrations, as well as Arthur’s own; the civil service reform movement; the internal wars fought within the GOP and the government between the factions led by the vain, caustic, and arrogant Roscoe Conkling and his unrelenting competitor for “office and plunder,” James G. Blaine, the Plumed Knight from Maine—a world where “men manipulated, plotted, and stole for power and prestige and the riches that bought both.
He gives us, for the first time, the unknown facts about Arthur’s early how, before he entered the boss-dominated Republican Party under the tutelage of men like the notorious Roscoe Conkling, this son of an itinerant minister was a model of nineteenth-century youthful idealism, first as a beloved schoolteacher, then as a young lawyer directly involved in the abolitionist struggle, and finally, as a conscientious and honest Quartermaster General for New York during the Civil War. Reeves assiduously plots Arthur’s consistently successful career as a master dealer in patronage and electioneering as a survivor among connivers—a career that culminated in his nomination as James Garfield’s Vice-President and, when Garfield was assassinated, his own White House inauguration, in spite of the great scandal attending his removal from the directorship of the New York Customhouse and the revelation that Garfield’s assassin claimed to be an Arthur supporter.
As Reeves makes abundantly clear, this spoilsman supreme, who personified the worst gaudy excesses of the Gilded Age, administered the laws of the land honorably and even disinterestedly—to the chagrin of his fellow bosses and henchmen. Attacked by both Republican friends (the Stalwarts) and Republican foes (the Half-Breeds) and weakened by the fatal Bright’s disease (a fact that was only made public by Reeves himself in 1972), Arthur worked to eliminate extravagant government expenditures, enacted and enforced civil service reform (thus undermining the basis of his own public life), assisted in the birth of a modern navy, and initiated an aggressive, expansionist foreign policy that set precedents for later administrations. Above all, Reeves concludes, Arthur provided calm and reassurance to a nation shocked by Garfield’s murder and beset by recurrent economic depression.
Beyond its illuminating portrait of the life and fortunes of Chester Alan Arthur, Gentleman Boss gives a telling account of the politics and politicos that shaped Arthur’s world—the corruption of the Grant, Hayes, and Garfield administrations, as well as Arthur’s own; the civil service reform movement; the internal wars fought within the GOP and the government between the factions led by the vain, caustic, and arrogant Roscoe Conkling and his unrelenting competitor for “office and plunder,” James G. Blaine, the Plumed Knight from Maine—a world where “men manipulated, plotted, and stole for power and prestige and the riches that bought both.
500 pages, Kindle Edition
First published January 1, 1975
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About the author
Thomas C. Reeves
30 books10 followersA specialist in late 19th and 20th century American history, Thomas C. Reeves received his B.A. at Pacific Lutheran University, his M.A. at the University of Washington, and his Ph.D. in history at the University of California, Santa Barbara in 1966. After four years at the University of Colorado-Colorado Springs, he went on to become a professor of history at the University of Wisconsin–Parkside, where he taught until his retirement in 2001.
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November 28, 2014
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“Gentleman Boss: The Life and Times of Chester Alan Arthur” by Thomas Reeves was published in 1975 and immediately became the definitive study of the 21st president. Reeves was a senior fellow at the Wisconsin Policy Research Institute and a professor of history at the University of Wisconsin. He is the author of nearly a dozen books.
Because Arthur ordered the destruction of most of his personal papers just before his death, researching his life is regrettably difficult for a biographer. Reeves seems to have overcome this handicap with remarkably diligent and thorough research. As a result, this comprehensive biography is a treasure trove of historical nuggets and seems certain to remain the definitive reference on Arthur for the foreseeable future.
History remembers Arthur as an accidental president of only average consequence, but Reeves is able to dissect his life – and presidency – in a way that demonstrates his complexity both as a person and as a politician. With remarkable balance and objectivity, Reeves paints the portrait of a man who underwent a dramatic transformation from a “spoils-hungry” party hack to an unexpectedly honest and respectable president.
Although the book is broad in scope, Arthur’s early life is covered quite quickly. But after Arthur begins work as a lawyer and later finds himself in his first patronage job (on the military staff of New York’s governor during the Civil War) coverage of his life grows more thorough and detailed. And when the forty-one year old Arthur is appointed to the nation’s preeminent patronage position (Collector of the Port of New York) the book is at full stride.
Reeves’s description of the inner-workings of the New York Customhouse, where Arthur would spend nearly a decade before being removed by President Hayes, is excellent. And the author’s survey of the Republican National Convention (where Arthur was nominated for the vice presidency) was thorough and engaging – though not quite as colorful as Kenneth Ackerman’s depiction of the event in his book on James Garfield.
The Arthur presidency represents the core of the book, if not always its most exciting chapters. But by the time Reeves begins his methodical (and occasionally exhausting) coverage of Arthur’s tenure as president it is already clear this is destined to be the definitive book on the life of Chester Arthur. The biography’s final chapter – dedicated to reviewing Arthur’s life and presidential legacy – may be its best.
As meritorious as this biography proves to be from a historical perspective, it is not perfect for readers seeking a uniformly carefree and entertaining reading experience. While much of the book is engaging and provocative, some portions are dry, tedious and dull. Chapters covering foreign affairs, in particular, require healthy doses of fortitude and patience.
In addition, although Reeves provides excellent historical context beginning with the Grant administration, far less context is provided during Arthur’s early life. This makes it relatively difficult to anchor his childhood to memorable or familiar moments in the nation’s history.
Finally, Reeves occasionally dives deeply into matters that seem tangential to all but the most committed of historians. As just one example, Reeves maintains a keen focus on New York state politics even after Arthur leaves the state to become Vice President. While this leaves a valuable research trail for some readers, it is probably distracting for most.
Overall, however, Reeves’s biography seems a far better study than Arthur – or his era – probably deserves. Though not always entertaining, it is consistently thoughtful, balanced and insightful. For readers who survive the early, less penetrating, chapters the book grows steadily more compelling. And for its contribution to understanding the life and presidency of Chester Arthur this biography deserves nearly a perfect score.
Overall rating: 4 stars
“Gentleman Boss: The Life and Times of Chester Alan Arthur” by Thomas Reeves was published in 1975 and immediately became the definitive study of the 21st president. Reeves was a senior fellow at the Wisconsin Policy Research Institute and a professor of history at the University of Wisconsin. He is the author of nearly a dozen books.
Because Arthur ordered the destruction of most of his personal papers just before his death, researching his life is regrettably difficult for a biographer. Reeves seems to have overcome this handicap with remarkably diligent and thorough research. As a result, this comprehensive biography is a treasure trove of historical nuggets and seems certain to remain the definitive reference on Arthur for the foreseeable future.
History remembers Arthur as an accidental president of only average consequence, but Reeves is able to dissect his life – and presidency – in a way that demonstrates his complexity both as a person and as a politician. With remarkable balance and objectivity, Reeves paints the portrait of a man who underwent a dramatic transformation from a “spoils-hungry” party hack to an unexpectedly honest and respectable president.
Although the book is broad in scope, Arthur’s early life is covered quite quickly. But after Arthur begins work as a lawyer and later finds himself in his first patronage job (on the military staff of New York’s governor during the Civil War) coverage of his life grows more thorough and detailed. And when the forty-one year old Arthur is appointed to the nation’s preeminent patronage position (Collector of the Port of New York) the book is at full stride.
Reeves’s description of the inner-workings of the New York Customhouse, where Arthur would spend nearly a decade before being removed by President Hayes, is excellent. And the author’s survey of the Republican National Convention (where Arthur was nominated for the vice presidency) was thorough and engaging – though not quite as colorful as Kenneth Ackerman’s depiction of the event in his book on James Garfield.
The Arthur presidency represents the core of the book, if not always its most exciting chapters. But by the time Reeves begins his methodical (and occasionally exhausting) coverage of Arthur’s tenure as president it is already clear this is destined to be the definitive book on the life of Chester Arthur. The biography’s final chapter – dedicated to reviewing Arthur’s life and presidential legacy – may be its best.
As meritorious as this biography proves to be from a historical perspective, it is not perfect for readers seeking a uniformly carefree and entertaining reading experience. While much of the book is engaging and provocative, some portions are dry, tedious and dull. Chapters covering foreign affairs, in particular, require healthy doses of fortitude and patience.
In addition, although Reeves provides excellent historical context beginning with the Grant administration, far less context is provided during Arthur’s early life. This makes it relatively difficult to anchor his childhood to memorable or familiar moments in the nation’s history.
Finally, Reeves occasionally dives deeply into matters that seem tangential to all but the most committed of historians. As just one example, Reeves maintains a keen focus on New York state politics even after Arthur leaves the state to become Vice President. While this leaves a valuable research trail for some readers, it is probably distracting for most.
Overall, however, Reeves’s biography seems a far better study than Arthur – or his era – probably deserves. Though not always entertaining, it is consistently thoughtful, balanced and insightful. For readers who survive the early, less penetrating, chapters the book grows steadily more compelling. And for its contribution to understanding the life and presidency of Chester Arthur this biography deserves nearly a perfect score.
Overall rating: 4 stars
January 6, 2018
Chester Arthur is one of those "neverheardofum" presidents, but not for his lack of an effort to be remembered. Long a New York political cog and boss, Arthur steered another direction when he came into the job he never wanted--President of the United States. Reeves painstakingly explores Arthur's time in the New York City Customhouse, a patronage-hogging job which President Hayes removed him from less than two years before seeing him enter the White House. In the nation's top post, Arthur pursued a grand agenda, internationally and domestically, but to little effect, leaving him largely an empty glass on the table of history. A biography packed with detail despite Arthur's destruction of many of his papers, Gentleman Boss is a terrific ride from Lexington to Pennsylvania Avenues.
December 28, 2009
Chester Arthur is probably my favorite President. I may be the only person in the world who feels this way, but my impression was merely confirmed by reading this book. If you want to get to know some of the personalities of this largely forgotten period of American History, getting to know Arthur's story is a good way to do it.
January 11, 2019
T C Reeves presents, what appears to my limited experience, a balanced view of Chester A Arthur, the man who inherited the presidency upon the death of Garfield. "Chet", prior to the presidency, was clearly a party machine man in the New York Republican Party: he knew how to stoke the machine to make it work, having developed his skills under the auspices of the Stalwart Roscoe Conkling, "a man more powerful because he is vindictive and not restrained by conscience" (R B Hayes). Arthur was a born politician, who used whatever means at his disposal to promote the party line. The politics after the Civil War seemed to be rife with corruption, as illustrated in the Grant administration, and the power of the dominating party seemed to be fueled by the spoils system of polical favors and federal jobs. Hayes had attempted to clean house, by trying to make the New York Customshouse the poster child of his reform. A special committee was formed to investigate claims of corruption, and Arthur, being the head of the Customshouse, found himself in the hot seat and was removed. But like many politicians, Arthur seems to have many lives, and finds himself winning the Vice-President slot over Conkling, whose disappointment in failing to secure either the Vice-Presidency or the Secretary of State, must have made him a somewhat dangerous man. Then Garfield is shot and eventually dies, and the fate of the nation falls into the hands of a man whose past is riddled with corruption and who appears to be a shadow puppet of Conkling. Interestingly enough, a letter is sent to Arthur from Julia Sands, unknown to Arthur at the time. "What President ever entered office under circumstances so dark! The day he was shot, the thought rose in a thousand minds that you might be the instigator of the foul act. Your best friends said: "Arthur must resign, he cannot accept office, with such a suspicion resting upon him. Your kindest opponents say, "Arthur will try to do right (adding gloomily) he won't succeed, though, making a man President cannot change him". Bold words to write to a president! She then proceeds to adjure him to prove everyone wrong, to make the nation believe in him by his actions. "If there is a spark of true nobility in you, now is the occasion to let it shine." Perhaps Julia Sands hit a nerve, for Arthur was not the puppet President everyone expected him to be. History has not nor ever will name him as one of the great Presidents, however, did manage to bring a calm to a nation that was reeling from the confusion that emerged from the corruption of government and the assassination of a president. And while he was not stellar, neither did he attempt any wild experiments in the use of his power which might have destroyed a nation in chaos.
December 13, 2016
An excellent and most thorough representation of our 21st president: Chester A. Arthur. this book is incredibly well researched and clearly a painstaking work, since the President burnt most of his personal papers just before his death. So the author has had to go through all other resources to get this put together. The president was a very complicated man and had a very hard Presidency. He clearly does not get quite the respect he deserves. I found out much about him that i did not know and was fascinated.
March 6, 2019
That in politics he is given to schemes that are the next thing to trickery, that he believes it right and honorable to use all means necessary against political opponents, that he has no conception of raising politics above the aim of office-holding, and that he will unhesitatingly turn against his political companions, if a turn of affairs makes it desirable. In short, he is one the many who act on the principal that all is fair in politics.”
I only knew one thing about Chester A. Arthur prior to reading this biography: he was the president from New York that was the answer to a trivia question in Die Hard: With a Vengeance. After reading the book, I’ve come away with the impression that he was the least likely president (at least through the first 21 presidents) to ever take the office, and one of the least accomplished once he took office. He’s going to score particularly low across the entire presidential grading rubric for a variety of reasons, however the only thing that will be memorable about him for me was how unlikely he was to ever even be in that position.
Born into – Arthur was born in Vermont to an educated father who gave up his work to be a minister for the Baptist church. His father was very religious and instilled abolitionist values in Arthur. The book really glosses over the early years of Arthur’s life, but it’s probably because like the rest of Arthur’s biography it was unexceptional. 2.5 out of 5.
Pre-President – Arthur went to school to became a lawyer, and also worked as a teacher. Gentleman Boss included several anecdotes about how fair Arthur was with students, being even tempered and well liked. As an attorney, he argued cases helping blacks (pre-Civil War), including one about the rights of slaves brought into New York, and another for free colored people’s treatment on public transportation. Arthur became political when he began working with the Governor (who respected Arthur’s work) in New York. Along with Thurlow Weed (at the time the most powerful man in New York Whig politics).
When the Civil War started Arthur was made Quartermaster, and was in charge of getting supplies to New York militia, the largest in the United States. When Governor Morgan was not reelected, Arthur chose to focus on legal work and did not re-enlist. After Weed and Morgan lost political power, Arthur was taken in by Roscoe Conkling the New York Senator who for a time was the most powerful senator in the country. Arthur was appointed head of the New York Customhouse, making him one of most powerful people in America for patronage (giving others jobs).
The Custom House had one big scandal during Grant’s term which didn’t implicate Arthur but should have. In addition to all the favors he was trading, Arthur’s worst trait was requiring 5% back from all employees to go to the Republican party. When Hayes took office, he helped launch the Jay Commission inquiry into the Customhouse, which called hundreds of witnesses and went on for weeks. The commission concluded that the Customhouse was hiring and firing people for political reasons, could have 20% of its work force eliminated and not lose any productivity, and that Arthur and two others should step down. Arthur was offered the role of Parisian console but turned it down as part of his political strategizing. Hayes attempt to move all the men was voted down by Congress, showing the strength of Conkling’s position still in politics. A second commission again looked into the Customhouse, and more improprieties were discovered. In particular, Arthur was accused of showing up to work several hours late every day, and obstructing the proposed changes to curb corruption.
Eventually, Hayes was successful in removing Arthur and other top officials from the Customhouse. Arthur fell in to the position of head of the Republican Committee in New York however and continued pulling strings for Conkling. By the time next election came around, Conkling’s men (Arthur included) were facing a more fractured Republican party in New York, as enemies of the machine style of politics mounted. When Arthur went to the Republican nominating caucus, he went with Conkling in favor of nominating Grant to return to office. When Garfield won the nomination, New York was to be a key swing state and Conkling’s machine needed to be appeased. Arthur volunteered for the position, and Conkling tried to talk him out of it (so little did he want to support Garfield), but with no real fuss or competition got the nod. Once the election campaign began, Arthur stayed in New York (which was a crucial state) to help manage the Republican Party effort. This included continuing to solicit mandatory contributions from government workers multiple times over.
Garfield, Hayes and many others were unimpressed with Arthur as a candidate, due to his involvement in the customhouse scandal, and his reputation of a patronage abuser. Along with Garfield, the ticket was successful in beating democrat Winfield Scott Hancock. Prior to inauguration, Arthur gave a speech where he was likely drunk and implied that the campaign had numerous secrets he couldn’t share due to the press being present, and alluded to both improprieties to get votes and the rumor that he was actually born in Canada and not eligible to be present. (The author never gives much weight to this rumor, but Arthur’s comments here certainly appear to give it some credibility). When Garfield was elected, his biggest headache was filling his cabinet and dealing with the patronage in New York. Based on a meeting he had earlier with the Stalwarts (Conkling’s men), he had implied that if they helped him win he would allow them to stay in control of patronage in New York. When he was elected, he appointed six of the Stalwarts to some of the first New York positions, but chose an enemy of Conkling for the actual Customhouse. Conkling and Arthur attempted to overcome this by getting (coerced) signatures from those doing business with the current regime, and even releasing correspondence attempting to link Garfield to a post office fraud that was a particular scandal of the era. Arthur was firmly on Conkling’s side, even after Conkling resigned from the Senate in a last ditch effort to save face in the situation, Arthur and Conkling continued to raise up anti-Garfield sentiment in the party to allow for Conkling to get re-elected (which he was not). It was at this time that Garfield was shot by Charles Guiteau, who although he was insane, told those that apprehended him that “I am a stalwart, I do this for Arthur our new President.” 1 out of 5.
Presidential Career – Arthur initially didn’t want to do anything while Garfield’s life was in jeopardy, for fear of appearing he was trying to capitalize on his death. Finally, after Garfield died (about a month later) Arthur broke down in tears refusing all visitors. He then signed an executive order calling for a special Senate session to elect a new president pro tem before he traveled to avoid a calamity of uncertainty as to who was running the country in the event of his death as well.
His initial task as President was to figure out his cabinet. Arthur tried to keep most of Garfield’s cabinet but many ended up resigning. Contrary to what many people feared, Arthur didn’t put Conkling in the cabinet, and although he selected mainly stalwarts most were qualified for their positions. Arthur did offer Conkling a spot on the Supreme Court (and was lampooned in the press accordingly), but the low pay and lack of political influence led Conkling to turn it down.
Arthur’s White House was the most opulent of any president before him. First he remodeled the White House, then he hosted frequent feasts and events and did so in grand fashion. Arthur got a reputation of being a procrastinator, putting off work when possible (and not working at all on Sundays or Mondays) and focusing more on socializing and entertaining when possible. The large scandal of the era was one he inherited involving the Post Office, and Arthur’s headache was trying to secure convictions for the main actors. Despite two trials, hundreds of witnesses and thousands of documents the perpetrators were found not guilty, the verdict blamed by news papers on uneducated jurors being selected.
Many historians lump Both Hayes and Arthur as attempting to foster Republicanism in the South by dropping the negro dominated factions and by appealing to discontented white Democrats. Arthur did sign the Pendelton Act into law which required Civil Service reform though not to the extreme extent many wanted. Arthur dealt with a Treasury surplus for his entire presidency, an inconceivable concept now. Arthur was in office from 1881 to 1885, and the country was in an economic depression from 1882 to 1886, though there’s little to support his presidency as a cause of that.
Arthur suffered from Bright’s Disease, which made him depressed and required plenty of rest. Arthur’s health deteriorated in office, though he tried to keep it hidden from everybody. He did take several longer trips as president, partially to get away from stresses of job for health, and doing very little in the way of campaigning for the Republican Party or doing actual presidential work.
Garfield’s secretary of State Blaime won the Republican nomination over Arthur for the big for reelection, but lost to Grover Cleveland. While Arthur didn’t specifically deny the possibility of being reelected, he didn’t put much effort into it being aware of his health conditions. The administration attempted to make progress in a few areas in its final months, with Arthur’s secretary of state pursuing treaties aggressively with Latin American countries, particular seeking one with Nicaraguan for an American controlled canal, as well as Hawaii and Egypt, however none were ratified by Congress. Likewise the Secretary of the Navy commissioned four expensive ships, which caused negative reaction from press due to the extravagance (though they were more modest than the competing European ships of the time). The author spent a lot of time on this, but appears to have been more the work of the Secretary of the Navy than Arthur. 2 out of 5.
Vice President – It doesn’t appear one was ever appointed after Arthur assumed the presidency. 0 out of 5.
First Lady – Buchanan is rumored to be the in the closet president but Arthur should give him a run for his money. He was not interested in women until his mid 20’s. His letters to male friends at the time discuss his joy of spending all night with somebody and falling asleep in each other’s arms. When Arthur did marry his wife Nell she had two kids with him, Alan and Ellen and a third that died around age 2. Nell didn’t seem to have much of a personality beyond being loyal to her kids and husband, though there was evidence she was planning to leave Arthur before her death.
Arthur’s wife died in 1880, prior to him being elected Vice President. There are some anecdotes of Arthur’s private grief at not having his wife to share his future accomplishments, but in public Arthur didn’t let the situation greatly affect him. With no first lady in the house, Arthur turned to his youngest sister Mary Arthur McElroy who was married and came down from Albany for a few months a year to serve the function. Arthur seemed to like making some of the decorating and party planning decisions himself. 1 out of 5.
Post Presidency – Arthur’s health continued to detioriate, and he continued to hide it from others after leaving the presidency. He stuck around for Cleveland’s inauguration, then did not much of anything besides burning all his personal correspondence (because he was crooked) before dying later that year. 1 out of 5.
Book itself - Then too, most of Arthur’s finest efforts had no immediate positive impact. Dorsey and his friends escaped jail; the rivers and harbors Veto was overridden; the tariff commissions recommendations were dismissed by Congress; the rejuvenation of the navy was barely begun.
It’s tough to write a book about a guy who accomplished so little and what he did accomplish was almost solely because of being in the right place at the right time. To compensate, Reeves focuses a lot on Conkling, Grant, Hayes and Garfield and others who were actually doing things in the open instead of Arthur who was primarily behind the scenes. I think I know all I want to about Arthur, but as a subject he’s about at the bottom of the list for Presidents worth reading about. 3 out of 5.
I only knew one thing about Chester A. Arthur prior to reading this biography: he was the president from New York that was the answer to a trivia question in Die Hard: With a Vengeance. After reading the book, I’ve come away with the impression that he was the least likely president (at least through the first 21 presidents) to ever take the office, and one of the least accomplished once he took office. He’s going to score particularly low across the entire presidential grading rubric for a variety of reasons, however the only thing that will be memorable about him for me was how unlikely he was to ever even be in that position.
Born into – Arthur was born in Vermont to an educated father who gave up his work to be a minister for the Baptist church. His father was very religious and instilled abolitionist values in Arthur. The book really glosses over the early years of Arthur’s life, but it’s probably because like the rest of Arthur’s biography it was unexceptional. 2.5 out of 5.
Pre-President – Arthur went to school to became a lawyer, and also worked as a teacher. Gentleman Boss included several anecdotes about how fair Arthur was with students, being even tempered and well liked. As an attorney, he argued cases helping blacks (pre-Civil War), including one about the rights of slaves brought into New York, and another for free colored people’s treatment on public transportation. Arthur became political when he began working with the Governor (who respected Arthur’s work) in New York. Along with Thurlow Weed (at the time the most powerful man in New York Whig politics).
When the Civil War started Arthur was made Quartermaster, and was in charge of getting supplies to New York militia, the largest in the United States. When Governor Morgan was not reelected, Arthur chose to focus on legal work and did not re-enlist. After Weed and Morgan lost political power, Arthur was taken in by Roscoe Conkling the New York Senator who for a time was the most powerful senator in the country. Arthur was appointed head of the New York Customhouse, making him one of most powerful people in America for patronage (giving others jobs).
The Custom House had one big scandal during Grant’s term which didn’t implicate Arthur but should have. In addition to all the favors he was trading, Arthur’s worst trait was requiring 5% back from all employees to go to the Republican party. When Hayes took office, he helped launch the Jay Commission inquiry into the Customhouse, which called hundreds of witnesses and went on for weeks. The commission concluded that the Customhouse was hiring and firing people for political reasons, could have 20% of its work force eliminated and not lose any productivity, and that Arthur and two others should step down. Arthur was offered the role of Parisian console but turned it down as part of his political strategizing. Hayes attempt to move all the men was voted down by Congress, showing the strength of Conkling’s position still in politics. A second commission again looked into the Customhouse, and more improprieties were discovered. In particular, Arthur was accused of showing up to work several hours late every day, and obstructing the proposed changes to curb corruption.
Eventually, Hayes was successful in removing Arthur and other top officials from the Customhouse. Arthur fell in to the position of head of the Republican Committee in New York however and continued pulling strings for Conkling. By the time next election came around, Conkling’s men (Arthur included) were facing a more fractured Republican party in New York, as enemies of the machine style of politics mounted. When Arthur went to the Republican nominating caucus, he went with Conkling in favor of nominating Grant to return to office. When Garfield won the nomination, New York was to be a key swing state and Conkling’s machine needed to be appeased. Arthur volunteered for the position, and Conkling tried to talk him out of it (so little did he want to support Garfield), but with no real fuss or competition got the nod. Once the election campaign began, Arthur stayed in New York (which was a crucial state) to help manage the Republican Party effort. This included continuing to solicit mandatory contributions from government workers multiple times over.
Garfield, Hayes and many others were unimpressed with Arthur as a candidate, due to his involvement in the customhouse scandal, and his reputation of a patronage abuser. Along with Garfield, the ticket was successful in beating democrat Winfield Scott Hancock. Prior to inauguration, Arthur gave a speech where he was likely drunk and implied that the campaign had numerous secrets he couldn’t share due to the press being present, and alluded to both improprieties to get votes and the rumor that he was actually born in Canada and not eligible to be present. (The author never gives much weight to this rumor, but Arthur’s comments here certainly appear to give it some credibility). When Garfield was elected, his biggest headache was filling his cabinet and dealing with the patronage in New York. Based on a meeting he had earlier with the Stalwarts (Conkling’s men), he had implied that if they helped him win he would allow them to stay in control of patronage in New York. When he was elected, he appointed six of the Stalwarts to some of the first New York positions, but chose an enemy of Conkling for the actual Customhouse. Conkling and Arthur attempted to overcome this by getting (coerced) signatures from those doing business with the current regime, and even releasing correspondence attempting to link Garfield to a post office fraud that was a particular scandal of the era. Arthur was firmly on Conkling’s side, even after Conkling resigned from the Senate in a last ditch effort to save face in the situation, Arthur and Conkling continued to raise up anti-Garfield sentiment in the party to allow for Conkling to get re-elected (which he was not). It was at this time that Garfield was shot by Charles Guiteau, who although he was insane, told those that apprehended him that “I am a stalwart, I do this for Arthur our new President.” 1 out of 5.
Presidential Career – Arthur initially didn’t want to do anything while Garfield’s life was in jeopardy, for fear of appearing he was trying to capitalize on his death. Finally, after Garfield died (about a month later) Arthur broke down in tears refusing all visitors. He then signed an executive order calling for a special Senate session to elect a new president pro tem before he traveled to avoid a calamity of uncertainty as to who was running the country in the event of his death as well.
His initial task as President was to figure out his cabinet. Arthur tried to keep most of Garfield’s cabinet but many ended up resigning. Contrary to what many people feared, Arthur didn’t put Conkling in the cabinet, and although he selected mainly stalwarts most were qualified for their positions. Arthur did offer Conkling a spot on the Supreme Court (and was lampooned in the press accordingly), but the low pay and lack of political influence led Conkling to turn it down.
Arthur’s White House was the most opulent of any president before him. First he remodeled the White House, then he hosted frequent feasts and events and did so in grand fashion. Arthur got a reputation of being a procrastinator, putting off work when possible (and not working at all on Sundays or Mondays) and focusing more on socializing and entertaining when possible. The large scandal of the era was one he inherited involving the Post Office, and Arthur’s headache was trying to secure convictions for the main actors. Despite two trials, hundreds of witnesses and thousands of documents the perpetrators were found not guilty, the verdict blamed by news papers on uneducated jurors being selected.
Many historians lump Both Hayes and Arthur as attempting to foster Republicanism in the South by dropping the negro dominated factions and by appealing to discontented white Democrats. Arthur did sign the Pendelton Act into law which required Civil Service reform though not to the extreme extent many wanted. Arthur dealt with a Treasury surplus for his entire presidency, an inconceivable concept now. Arthur was in office from 1881 to 1885, and the country was in an economic depression from 1882 to 1886, though there’s little to support his presidency as a cause of that.
Arthur suffered from Bright’s Disease, which made him depressed and required plenty of rest. Arthur’s health deteriorated in office, though he tried to keep it hidden from everybody. He did take several longer trips as president, partially to get away from stresses of job for health, and doing very little in the way of campaigning for the Republican Party or doing actual presidential work.
Garfield’s secretary of State Blaime won the Republican nomination over Arthur for the big for reelection, but lost to Grover Cleveland. While Arthur didn’t specifically deny the possibility of being reelected, he didn’t put much effort into it being aware of his health conditions. The administration attempted to make progress in a few areas in its final months, with Arthur’s secretary of state pursuing treaties aggressively with Latin American countries, particular seeking one with Nicaraguan for an American controlled canal, as well as Hawaii and Egypt, however none were ratified by Congress. Likewise the Secretary of the Navy commissioned four expensive ships, which caused negative reaction from press due to the extravagance (though they were more modest than the competing European ships of the time). The author spent a lot of time on this, but appears to have been more the work of the Secretary of the Navy than Arthur. 2 out of 5.
Vice President – It doesn’t appear one was ever appointed after Arthur assumed the presidency. 0 out of 5.
First Lady – Buchanan is rumored to be the in the closet president but Arthur should give him a run for his money. He was not interested in women until his mid 20’s. His letters to male friends at the time discuss his joy of spending all night with somebody and falling asleep in each other’s arms. When Arthur did marry his wife Nell she had two kids with him, Alan and Ellen and a third that died around age 2. Nell didn’t seem to have much of a personality beyond being loyal to her kids and husband, though there was evidence she was planning to leave Arthur before her death.
Arthur’s wife died in 1880, prior to him being elected Vice President. There are some anecdotes of Arthur’s private grief at not having his wife to share his future accomplishments, but in public Arthur didn’t let the situation greatly affect him. With no first lady in the house, Arthur turned to his youngest sister Mary Arthur McElroy who was married and came down from Albany for a few months a year to serve the function. Arthur seemed to like making some of the decorating and party planning decisions himself. 1 out of 5.
Post Presidency – Arthur’s health continued to detioriate, and he continued to hide it from others after leaving the presidency. He stuck around for Cleveland’s inauguration, then did not much of anything besides burning all his personal correspondence (because he was crooked) before dying later that year. 1 out of 5.
Book itself - Then too, most of Arthur’s finest efforts had no immediate positive impact. Dorsey and his friends escaped jail; the rivers and harbors Veto was overridden; the tariff commissions recommendations were dismissed by Congress; the rejuvenation of the navy was barely begun.
It’s tough to write a book about a guy who accomplished so little and what he did accomplish was almost solely because of being in the right place at the right time. To compensate, Reeves focuses a lot on Conkling, Grant, Hayes and Garfield and others who were actually doing things in the open instead of Arthur who was primarily behind the scenes. I think I know all I want to about Arthur, but as a subject he’s about at the bottom of the list for Presidents worth reading about. 3 out of 5.
July 30, 2012
This book covers the life of Chester Arthur, the 21st President of the United States. After the obligatory introductory material about Arthur's childhood and education, the majority of the book is split between Arthur's career as a machine politician and his time as president.
The author paints Arthur as a behind-the-scenes machine politician, arranging ethically questionable transactions for the benefit of the Stalwart wing of the Republican party. The Stalwarts, led by New York Senator Roscoe Conkling, seem to have had no goals other than their own political advancement; they did not have any real principles or vision for the nation. As Collector of the New York Customhouse, Arthur was responsible for appointing customs workers for political reasons, regardless of their qualifications for their roles. He also led efforts to impose assessments on those workers -- effectively demanding that they hand over a large portion of their income as donations to the Republican party. The prevalence of this kind of activity during the Gilded Age led to the Civil Service Reform movement. Arthur came to national notoriety when President Hayes removed him from the Collectorship as part of this reform effort.
Arthur's rise to the presidency was somewhat accidental. In 1880, when the Stalwarts' attempt to nominate Grant for a third term was defeated in favor of Garfield, Arthur was a last-minute nomination as his running mate in a bid to win Stalwart support for the ticket. After President Garfield was shot by a crazed assassin claiming to be a Stalwart and Arthur's friend, Arthur assumed the presidency under a cloud of suspicion.
However, the author argues that Arthur actually made a surprisingly decent president. He clearly abandoned the corrupt tactics that he had embraced previously (even during the election campaign and while serving as vice-president), refusing the remove political opponents from government positions or to appoint Stalwarts even when there were vacancies, even when that angered his fellow Stalwarts. In fact, he went out of his way to continue the already-underway corruption prosecutions in the so-called Star Route trials. However, it was very difficult for him to escape the public perception that he was corrupt; for example, when the Star Route trials resulted in acquittals, the press blamed him for interfering, even though he was actually responsible for pushing the trials forward.
It is not clear whether Arthur's abandonment of his former tactics when becoming president were due to his rising to the dignity of his new office or because he feared the verdict of history. However, he provided much needed stability in a time of political uncertainty. Although his political background limited his ability to be very effective, he did pursue several forward-looking initiatives, including some early attempts at a trans-oceanic canal in Nicaragua and laying the foundation for the modern navy.
The book itself is clearly written, although it is a bit hard to get through. (I started it last year, but it wasn't quite engaging enough to hold my attention, and I didn't come back to it until recently.) However, that may have more to do with the dryness of the subject matter than with the author's writing, as this is not the most interesting period of American history. And, as it is the only scholarly biography of Arthur available, I would recommend it to anyone interested in his life.
The author paints Arthur as a behind-the-scenes machine politician, arranging ethically questionable transactions for the benefit of the Stalwart wing of the Republican party. The Stalwarts, led by New York Senator Roscoe Conkling, seem to have had no goals other than their own political advancement; they did not have any real principles or vision for the nation. As Collector of the New York Customhouse, Arthur was responsible for appointing customs workers for political reasons, regardless of their qualifications for their roles. He also led efforts to impose assessments on those workers -- effectively demanding that they hand over a large portion of their income as donations to the Republican party. The prevalence of this kind of activity during the Gilded Age led to the Civil Service Reform movement. Arthur came to national notoriety when President Hayes removed him from the Collectorship as part of this reform effort.
Arthur's rise to the presidency was somewhat accidental. In 1880, when the Stalwarts' attempt to nominate Grant for a third term was defeated in favor of Garfield, Arthur was a last-minute nomination as his running mate in a bid to win Stalwart support for the ticket. After President Garfield was shot by a crazed assassin claiming to be a Stalwart and Arthur's friend, Arthur assumed the presidency under a cloud of suspicion.
However, the author argues that Arthur actually made a surprisingly decent president. He clearly abandoned the corrupt tactics that he had embraced previously (even during the election campaign and while serving as vice-president), refusing the remove political opponents from government positions or to appoint Stalwarts even when there were vacancies, even when that angered his fellow Stalwarts. In fact, he went out of his way to continue the already-underway corruption prosecutions in the so-called Star Route trials. However, it was very difficult for him to escape the public perception that he was corrupt; for example, when the Star Route trials resulted in acquittals, the press blamed him for interfering, even though he was actually responsible for pushing the trials forward.
It is not clear whether Arthur's abandonment of his former tactics when becoming president were due to his rising to the dignity of his new office or because he feared the verdict of history. However, he provided much needed stability in a time of political uncertainty. Although his political background limited his ability to be very effective, he did pursue several forward-looking initiatives, including some early attempts at a trans-oceanic canal in Nicaragua and laying the foundation for the modern navy.
The book itself is clearly written, although it is a bit hard to get through. (I started it last year, but it wasn't quite engaging enough to hold my attention, and I didn't come back to it until recently.) However, that may have more to do with the dryness of the subject matter than with the author's writing, as this is not the most interesting period of American history. And, as it is the only scholarly biography of Arthur available, I would recommend it to anyone interested in his life.
May 13, 2012
The Gentleman Boss covers the turbulent times of the gilded Age through Chester Arthur's eyes. While being very sympathetic to its subject it nonetheless does a phenomenal job of showing how the political system at the time worked. The book tracks the turmoil's and tribulations of the Gilded Age political system. It looks at the formation of the Republican Party and the various factions that threatened to tear it apart. The reform of the system was conducted by its most ardent and staunch defender. Arthur's presidency was defined by trying to prove he was healthy and competent enough for the highest office in the land and although he did not receive the party nomination to continue he was successful in his term of office. While the usual Gilded Age scandals occurred overall it was a move towards the modern political spectrum and a hint of the reforms to come in the progressive era.
Overall the book was very well written an enjoyable for those who enjoy a good discussion of Gilded Age politics and intrigue.
Overall the book was very well written an enjoyable for those who enjoy a good discussion of Gilded Age politics and intrigue.
May 31, 2018
In this book, Reeves details the life of Chester A. Arthur, from his time as a political boss to his ascension to the Presidency. This book convincingly asserts that Arthur was a good president, insofar as he eschewed cronyism, pursued effective foreign policy, and enacted civil service reform. Reeves is also honest about Arthur’s flaws, especially his own prior corruption, his lack of legislative experience, and his inability to persuade Congress to follow his lead.
As well written as this book is, it fails to present a vivid portrait of Arthur as a man. Although I have a much better understanding of his policies and experiences, on some level I feel like Arthur is still two dimensional. Regardless, this book provides a solid introduction to the life of our 21st President.
As well written as this book is, it fails to present a vivid portrait of Arthur as a man. Although I have a much better understanding of his policies and experiences, on some level I feel like Arthur is still two dimensional. Regardless, this book provides a solid introduction to the life of our 21st President.
January 26, 2018
‘Gentleman Boss’, the life of Pres. Chester A Arthur, is a well-documented biography (considering Arthur had most of his personal papers destroyed just prior to his death). Having never been publicly elected to office, this man of the Republican ‘machine’ was an unlikely candidate thrust into the nations highest office. Replacing the reform minded President Garfield, whom was assassinated in his groups name (the Stalwarts) placed him in an awkward position after assuming the presidency. Well balanced and interesting read.
May 6, 2018
I had to put the book down because it kept getting bogged down with name dropping. It became confusing. I finally finished it. The second half of the book was only slightly better. Once completed I realize that without the name dropping, it would be impossible to write a book about arguably the most insignificant president we have ever had. He had his papers destroyed at his death, making it extremely difficult to write a biography.
March 9, 2023
REDEMPTION
President Arthur is an often forgotten president due to actually getting out of his own political style. If he would have been the stalwart backdoor politician that half the GOP wanted him to be he would probably be remembered more today. Instead, he dropped the stalwart corruption that plagued his career until that fatal shooting of Garfield and brought stability, new ideas and conciliation to the United States.
+Pendleton Act
+Breaking of Grantisim - his admin was the first to have no large corruption's
+Trade Agreements while not passed did press the nation forward to a free trade program
+Restarting of the modern Navy
+Tariff Reform
+/- Prosecuted the star route employees - failed but again did the best one could hope for.
It's important to note that not all these acts passed due to a lack luster congressional body but considering that period of time Presidents were not supposed to be aggressive as they are today.
He was as corrupt as can be prior to the presidency but should be complimented for his changes he made when he became president. Arthur was great not for exactly what he did but what he didn't do that brought stability to the country.
President Rank - C
Book Review - 4/5 stars. I think the book is solid for what we have as a historical launching point. Arthur burned many of his personal letters prior to his death; therefore, we don't get many direct quotes from his letters so we never know his true thoughts/intentions on issues.
President Arthur is an often forgotten president due to actually getting out of his own political style. If he would have been the stalwart backdoor politician that half the GOP wanted him to be he would probably be remembered more today. Instead, he dropped the stalwart corruption that plagued his career until that fatal shooting of Garfield and brought stability, new ideas and conciliation to the United States.
+Pendleton Act
+Breaking of Grantisim - his admin was the first to have no large corruption's
+Trade Agreements while not passed did press the nation forward to a free trade program
+Restarting of the modern Navy
+Tariff Reform
+/- Prosecuted the star route employees - failed but again did the best one could hope for.
It's important to note that not all these acts passed due to a lack luster congressional body but considering that period of time Presidents were not supposed to be aggressive as they are today.
He was as corrupt as can be prior to the presidency but should be complimented for his changes he made when he became president. Arthur was great not for exactly what he did but what he didn't do that brought stability to the country.
President Rank - C
Book Review - 4/5 stars. I think the book is solid for what we have as a historical launching point. Arthur burned many of his personal letters prior to his death; therefore, we don't get many direct quotes from his letters so we never know his true thoughts/intentions on issues.
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January 27, 2025From modest beginnings he became a successful lawyer after graduating from Union College in Schenectady, NY.
He defended Elizabeth Jennings against NY Streetcars and desegregated street cars in NYC.
Served as VP to James Garfield and became President when Garfield was asassinated.
Promoted Civil Service reform despite previous connections with Roscoe Conkling.
Never remarried after his wife, Ellen Herndon died.
Did not run for re-election as he was ill with Bright’s disease.
Although an unelected President he rose to the responsilities.
He defended Elizabeth Jennings against NY Streetcars and desegregated street cars in NYC.
Served as VP to James Garfield and became President when Garfield was asassinated.
Promoted Civil Service reform despite previous connections with Roscoe Conkling.
Never remarried after his wife, Ellen Herndon died.
Did not run for re-election as he was ill with Bright’s disease.
Although an unelected President he rose to the responsilities.
November 8, 2024
Chester Alan Arthur was born in 1829 in Fairfield, Vermont. His father William had been born in Ireland. William was a Baptist preacher, a school-teacher, a magazine editor, and co-founder of the New York Anti-Slavery Society. Chet had four older sisters and a younger brother.
Chet attended the academy in Union Village, then the Lyceum where he edited the school newspaper and brawled with students who didn't support the Whigs. He entered Union College in 1845. He played pranks such as throwing the West College Bell into the Erie Canal. He was president of a debating society and graduated in the top third of his class.
He studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1854. He was one of the lawyers involved in the Lemmon Slave Case, which freed slaves who were being transported through New York. In 1854, Elizabeth Jennings, a black school teacher, was roughed up by a streetcar conductor for refusing to leave a car reserved for whites. Arthur won her legal case which led to all New York railroads becoming integrated.
In 1856, Chet was introduced to his future wife, Ellen "Nell" Lewis Herndon. She was a small, frail woman of 19, an only child and an excellent singer. She was born in Virginia and her family owned slaves.
Arthur visited Bleeding Kansas where pro- and anti-slavery factions had started the Civil War early. A political meeting he attended in Leavenworth erupted with an outburst of gunfire. A stagecoach he took overturned several times on the treacherous road and he, riding outside, had to leap for his life. In Lecompton, while dining with the governor, the man seated next to Arthur was dragged from his seat, charged with murder.
When his fiancé's father died, Arthur took over the legal and financial duties for his future mother-in-law. He married Nell in 1859 and moved into his mother-in-law's home.
He joined the state militia and was commissioned judge advocate of the Second Brigade. In 1861, the governor appointed him engineer-in-chief with the rank of brigadier general. When the Civil War broke out, he was assigned to the Quartermaster General's office in New York City. He was in charge of feeding, housing, clothing, and equipping thousands of men. There was a lot to do and Arthur only got three hours of sleep a night for several months.
He was soon promoted to Quartermaster General. He had to deal with unruly volunteer troops who plundered local restaurants, played pranks, and didn't follow army regulations. Troops once got on a ship and left without supplies and he had to hurriedly buy supplies and send them after. He did an exemplary job and in fact, his two years as Quartermaster were the high point of his life.
Arthur quit the war when Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation and didn't intend to vote for Lincoln in the next election. His wife and her family were all loyal to the Confederacy. He would jokingly refer to Nell as his "little rebel wife" but visitors saw tension between the two. Arthur's sister Malvina married a member of the Confederacy and lived in the south during the first two years of the war.
During the remainder of the Civil War, Chester returned to his law practice, focusing on war claims. He and his wife both had expensive tastes, fortunately his law practice was prosperous. He was able to hire Irish immigrants as servants, somewhat ironic since his father was an Irish immigrant. He and his brother were somewhat estranged from their parents due to falling away from their parent's faith. His parents had fallen on hard times, but Arthur didn't help them out.
Arthur's son died in 1863, only two years old. He and Nell believed he died due to them making too many intellectual demands on him, so they indulged their second son born the next year. Chet's brother William was shot in the face during the war, leaving him nearly deaf and with a facial scar.
Arthur wanted to be a politician. He cared more about gaining political influence than political ideals, thus his positions matched those of the party leaders. Fond of cigars and whiskey, he enjoyed telling humorous stories and limericks.
In 1867, Arthur worked on the campaign to get Ulysses S. Grant elected president. In 1869, he was made counsel to the New York City tax commission. Since Boss Tweed got him the job, he no doubt had to pay Tweed back by skimming some money off the top for the Tweed Ring, but Arthur destroyed any records that would have indicated this.
Roscoe Conkling succeeded Thurlow Weed as the new boss in charge of New York politics and he took Chester Arthur under his wing. At the time, both parties engaged in the spoils system. When a new person was elected, he'd fire most of the civil servants and replace them with his political supporters regardless of their qualifications. People given such jobs were required to pay assessments, a certain amount of their salary given to the party for campaign purposes. Politically-appointed civil servants also took part in campaigning, often acting as an organized mob to drown out opposition, because their jobs depended on it.
Calls for civil service reform led to an investigation of the lucrative New York Customhouse which revealed the corruption of Arthur's close friend Tom Murphy. As Murphy's attorney, Arthur would have been aware of Murphy's real estate holdings with the corrupt Tweed Ring. Murphy had to resign, but the president allowed him to pick his successor. He picked Arthur to succeed him in the highest paying job in the federal government.
About 75 percent of the country's customs receipts were collected at the New York Customhouse. By 1877, this was about 108 million dollars. It was said to do five times as much business as the greatest business house. It was the largest federal office in the nation and the greatest source of political jobs.
As part of Grant's civil service reform, the Customhouse was supposed to conduct examinations, but Arthur's friend Silas Burt found the applicants were limited to people Arthur wanted to hire. Only three people took the test. Their answers were clearly wrong, but they got hired anyway. Arthur cared about loyalty to party over competence or merit. He got jobs for many friends and family members.
He also required his employees to pay assessments even though these were now illegal. He got into an argument with Burt who refused to pay it. When Burt pointed out the corruption of Arthur's other friends, he called him a goody-goody fellow who set such a high standard for morality that other people couldn't reach it. He lied to the Civil Service Commission, claiming he didn't require assessments, but rather claimed his subordinates had paid them voluntarily.
Arthur was likely aware of the Whiskey Ring, a scheme to avoid paying taxes on distilleries, since he was highly involved in Republican politics throughout the nation and the Whiskey Ring donated a lot of money to Republican causes. Also, his close friends were involved.
Something called the moiety system divided Customhouse fines and forfeitures among the federal government, customs officials, and informers, but this system was ended due to the Phelps Dodge case. The importing firm Phelps, Dodge, and Company practiced undervaluations by using duplicate invoices. The Customhouse charged them $271,017.00 to make up for this, but they only really owed $1,664.68.
Arthur was aware of and profited from the fraud, but avoided trouble by simply claiming he didn't know anything about it. However, the moiety system ended and Arthur's salary dropped from $56,000 a year to just $12,000.
To help Hayes get elected, Arthur required his employees to pay a "voluntary" contribution of 4 or 5 percent of their salaries to the Republicans. Burt was the only employee who refused to pay.
Hayes publicly endorsed civil service reform, which would be bad for Arthur and Conkling. However, he accepted their use of the civil service to drum up campaign contributions and votes, so his endorsement might just be words. Conkling hedged his bets, claiming to support Hayes in public although he didn't do much campaigning, while also secretly supporting his Democratic opponent Tilden.
When Hayes entered the White House, he launched an investigation into the Customhouse, Conkling's source of power. The Jay Commission found the Customhouse was overstaffed with incompetent political appointees. As many as a third of the employees had nothing to do. There were over a million dollars a year in accounting errors. Smugglers paid bribes to prevent their baggage from being investigated. Liquor companies were forced to provide free booze to Customhouse employees.
The Customhouse was required to fire 20 percent of its workforce. President Hayes asked for the resignation of Arthur, but Conkling used his influence in the Senate to keep Arthur where he was. However, after a second investigation confirmed mass corruption, the president suspended Arthur while Congress was out of session.
Conkling intended to bring Arthur back at the next session, but in the meantime, the new collector made $164 million in the intervening months, proving Arthur's corruption and inefficiency cost the country a lot of money. When Arthur claimed there was no evidence against him, his opponents brought in a wheelbarrow full of documents before the Senate floor. The Senate voted to keep the new collector. Arthur was out.
Arthur would often stay up until 3 AM talking politics, smoking cigars, and eating and drinking with his friends. His wife didn't appreciate his neglect of her and the two were on the verge of separation when Nell died from pneumonia in 1880 at the age of 42.
When Garfield won the Republican nomination for president, Conkling got to pick his running mate since New York was key to winning the general election. Conkling picked Arthur. Garfield also had to give the impression that he would allow the New York patronage system to continue.
Conkling and Arthur campaigned for Garfield, however Conkling did so half-heartedly and didn't even mention Garfield's name at one rally, making Garfield question his commitment. Arthur continued to raise funds by demanding "voluntary contributions" from civil servants who wanted to keep their jobs and gained votes for Garfield by simply paying people to vote for him.
When Garfield won, the Conkling people asked him for appointments like they'd agreed, but he claimed he'd made no agreement with them. Garfield enraged Conkling by appointing a new collector to the NY Customhouse, an appointment Conkling was determined to block in the Senate. When he was unable to, Conkling resigned.
The man who assassinated President Garfield said he did it to make Arthur president. No major newspapers thought he was really working for Arthur since his mental illness was obvious, but many did blame the assassination on the spoils system since the assassin had been an office seeker.
While Garfield lay on his death bed, Chet received a letter from an unknown woman named Julia Sand, who would become his pen pal. She told him bluntly that everyone was dreading his presidency. However, she said, he had a great opportunity to turn over a new leaf and reform. He could prove everyone wrong by championing civil service reform.
When Garfield died Arthur was sworn in as president and vowed to continue Garfield's work. Since Garfield's tragic death had moved public opinion, Arthur couldn't simply undo what Garfield had done. He couldn't appoint Conkling to his cabinet. He couldn't be lenient to his friends who committed the postal star route frauds since Garfield had intended to hold them accountable. He also couldn't replace Garfield's choice of Collector for the Customhouse.
Arthur thoroughly renovated the White House, adding gold leaf, India brass work, jeweled glass screens, and panels of Japanese leather. White House parties consisted of the best liquors, excellent cuisine and expensive cigars. In less than a full term, he gave fifty state dinners, not counting numerous private parties. Tables were sometimes set with a bouquet of roses at each lady's plate and a boutonniere for each gentleman. The first state dinner had fourteen courses which came with eight varieties of wine, each served in its appropriate glass.
Arthur didn't care much for the job of president. He showed up to work late, often procrastinated, and members of his staff would have to force him to attend to matters at hand. He brought official-looking documents with him to appointments to make it look like he was busy. He had someone else write his addresses to Congress for him. It once took him a month to copy a letter of condolence prepared for him. Arthur mostly kept the Republicans happy by giving jobs to Republicans of different factions, and removing very few civil servants.
Even though he had known the postal star routes were being used to fraudulently raise funds for the Republicans, Arthur followed through on his promise to prosecute his friends involved in the fraud. After an extremely long trial, the jury acquitted the defendants, despite the fact there were over a hundred witnesses and thousands of pages of documents. There was good reason to suspect the jury had been tampered with. Even though the fraudsters weren't convicted, future postal fraud was stopped, saving the country $2 million a year.
Arthur contributed funds to a black church and awarded diplomas to graduates of a black high school in Washington. He'd also appointed black people to several government positions, and repeatedly urged Congress to provide federal aid to black education, which Congress ignored.
The significant Republican losses in the midterm election made it clear the people wanted Civil Service Reform. Congress passed and Arthur signed civil service reform legislation which states that tens of thousands of government jobs should be merit-based rather than politically appointed, and assessments would no longer be required, although "voluntary contributions" would remain. Enforcement of the act was left up to the president. Arthur surprised many by actually enforcing it.
Arthur was also instrumental in reforming the Navy, which had fallen into such disrepair it was inferior to the navies of several Latin American states. Many navy officers were incompetent political appointments who treated ships under their command as private yachts. Working with Congress, Arthur approved the construction of new steel ships (the current navy ships were mostly wood). His Secretary of the Navy also did his best to root out incompetent officers.
Arthur was in favor of assimilating Native Americans and got Congress to fund dozens of Native American schools. He resisted attempts by Congress to open up Indian Territory to white settlers. He used an executive order to protect Zuni land from relatives of Senator Logan. However, he did open the Crow Creek Reservation in Dakota Territory to settlement.
To the general public, Arthur was mainly known for his lavish parties, however, he concealed a private pain. He had Bright's Disease, a kidney affliction which can cause nausea, depression, and indolence (which might explain his lackadaisical approach to work). He had grown thin and feeble. He began to work even less than before.
In 1883, he took a vacation to Florida to escape the cold Washington D.C. winter. However, the Florida heat was worse for his health. He also caught malaria from a mosquito, making his health even worse. During the trip, he was so sick, the doctor thought him near death.
When he returned to Washington, he claimed to be in perfect health, but confessed to his doctor that he was in great pain. He expected to live only a few months or at most a few years longer. He remained in the race to seek reelection, but he didn't want to win. He returned a large campaign donation and told his friends not to campaign for him, although some did. He lost the Republican nomination.
He resumed his law practice upon leaving the presidency, although his health was so poor he was frequently too ill to leave home. The day before he died, he asked a friend to burn all his official and personal papers. He'd said there were many things in his political career he'd wished had been different. He advised his son never to go into politics. The price had been too high.
Chet attended the academy in Union Village, then the Lyceum where he edited the school newspaper and brawled with students who didn't support the Whigs. He entered Union College in 1845. He played pranks such as throwing the West College Bell into the Erie Canal. He was president of a debating society and graduated in the top third of his class.
He studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1854. He was one of the lawyers involved in the Lemmon Slave Case, which freed slaves who were being transported through New York. In 1854, Elizabeth Jennings, a black school teacher, was roughed up by a streetcar conductor for refusing to leave a car reserved for whites. Arthur won her legal case which led to all New York railroads becoming integrated.
In 1856, Chet was introduced to his future wife, Ellen "Nell" Lewis Herndon. She was a small, frail woman of 19, an only child and an excellent singer. She was born in Virginia and her family owned slaves.
Arthur visited Bleeding Kansas where pro- and anti-slavery factions had started the Civil War early. A political meeting he attended in Leavenworth erupted with an outburst of gunfire. A stagecoach he took overturned several times on the treacherous road and he, riding outside, had to leap for his life. In Lecompton, while dining with the governor, the man seated next to Arthur was dragged from his seat, charged with murder.
When his fiancé's father died, Arthur took over the legal and financial duties for his future mother-in-law. He married Nell in 1859 and moved into his mother-in-law's home.
He joined the state militia and was commissioned judge advocate of the Second Brigade. In 1861, the governor appointed him engineer-in-chief with the rank of brigadier general. When the Civil War broke out, he was assigned to the Quartermaster General's office in New York City. He was in charge of feeding, housing, clothing, and equipping thousands of men. There was a lot to do and Arthur only got three hours of sleep a night for several months.
He was soon promoted to Quartermaster General. He had to deal with unruly volunteer troops who plundered local restaurants, played pranks, and didn't follow army regulations. Troops once got on a ship and left without supplies and he had to hurriedly buy supplies and send them after. He did an exemplary job and in fact, his two years as Quartermaster were the high point of his life.
Arthur quit the war when Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation and didn't intend to vote for Lincoln in the next election. His wife and her family were all loyal to the Confederacy. He would jokingly refer to Nell as his "little rebel wife" but visitors saw tension between the two. Arthur's sister Malvina married a member of the Confederacy and lived in the south during the first two years of the war.
During the remainder of the Civil War, Chester returned to his law practice, focusing on war claims. He and his wife both had expensive tastes, fortunately his law practice was prosperous. He was able to hire Irish immigrants as servants, somewhat ironic since his father was an Irish immigrant. He and his brother were somewhat estranged from their parents due to falling away from their parent's faith. His parents had fallen on hard times, but Arthur didn't help them out.
Arthur's son died in 1863, only two years old. He and Nell believed he died due to them making too many intellectual demands on him, so they indulged their second son born the next year. Chet's brother William was shot in the face during the war, leaving him nearly deaf and with a facial scar.
Arthur wanted to be a politician. He cared more about gaining political influence than political ideals, thus his positions matched those of the party leaders. Fond of cigars and whiskey, he enjoyed telling humorous stories and limericks.
In 1867, Arthur worked on the campaign to get Ulysses S. Grant elected president. In 1869, he was made counsel to the New York City tax commission. Since Boss Tweed got him the job, he no doubt had to pay Tweed back by skimming some money off the top for the Tweed Ring, but Arthur destroyed any records that would have indicated this.
Roscoe Conkling succeeded Thurlow Weed as the new boss in charge of New York politics and he took Chester Arthur under his wing. At the time, both parties engaged in the spoils system. When a new person was elected, he'd fire most of the civil servants and replace them with his political supporters regardless of their qualifications. People given such jobs were required to pay assessments, a certain amount of their salary given to the party for campaign purposes. Politically-appointed civil servants also took part in campaigning, often acting as an organized mob to drown out opposition, because their jobs depended on it.
Calls for civil service reform led to an investigation of the lucrative New York Customhouse which revealed the corruption of Arthur's close friend Tom Murphy. As Murphy's attorney, Arthur would have been aware of Murphy's real estate holdings with the corrupt Tweed Ring. Murphy had to resign, but the president allowed him to pick his successor. He picked Arthur to succeed him in the highest paying job in the federal government.
About 75 percent of the country's customs receipts were collected at the New York Customhouse. By 1877, this was about 108 million dollars. It was said to do five times as much business as the greatest business house. It was the largest federal office in the nation and the greatest source of political jobs.
As part of Grant's civil service reform, the Customhouse was supposed to conduct examinations, but Arthur's friend Silas Burt found the applicants were limited to people Arthur wanted to hire. Only three people took the test. Their answers were clearly wrong, but they got hired anyway. Arthur cared about loyalty to party over competence or merit. He got jobs for many friends and family members.
He also required his employees to pay assessments even though these were now illegal. He got into an argument with Burt who refused to pay it. When Burt pointed out the corruption of Arthur's other friends, he called him a goody-goody fellow who set such a high standard for morality that other people couldn't reach it. He lied to the Civil Service Commission, claiming he didn't require assessments, but rather claimed his subordinates had paid them voluntarily.
Arthur was likely aware of the Whiskey Ring, a scheme to avoid paying taxes on distilleries, since he was highly involved in Republican politics throughout the nation and the Whiskey Ring donated a lot of money to Republican causes. Also, his close friends were involved.
Something called the moiety system divided Customhouse fines and forfeitures among the federal government, customs officials, and informers, but this system was ended due to the Phelps Dodge case. The importing firm Phelps, Dodge, and Company practiced undervaluations by using duplicate invoices. The Customhouse charged them $271,017.00 to make up for this, but they only really owed $1,664.68.
Arthur was aware of and profited from the fraud, but avoided trouble by simply claiming he didn't know anything about it. However, the moiety system ended and Arthur's salary dropped from $56,000 a year to just $12,000.
To help Hayes get elected, Arthur required his employees to pay a "voluntary" contribution of 4 or 5 percent of their salaries to the Republicans. Burt was the only employee who refused to pay.
Hayes publicly endorsed civil service reform, which would be bad for Arthur and Conkling. However, he accepted their use of the civil service to drum up campaign contributions and votes, so his endorsement might just be words. Conkling hedged his bets, claiming to support Hayes in public although he didn't do much campaigning, while also secretly supporting his Democratic opponent Tilden.
When Hayes entered the White House, he launched an investigation into the Customhouse, Conkling's source of power. The Jay Commission found the Customhouse was overstaffed with incompetent political appointees. As many as a third of the employees had nothing to do. There were over a million dollars a year in accounting errors. Smugglers paid bribes to prevent their baggage from being investigated. Liquor companies were forced to provide free booze to Customhouse employees.
The Customhouse was required to fire 20 percent of its workforce. President Hayes asked for the resignation of Arthur, but Conkling used his influence in the Senate to keep Arthur where he was. However, after a second investigation confirmed mass corruption, the president suspended Arthur while Congress was out of session.
Conkling intended to bring Arthur back at the next session, but in the meantime, the new collector made $164 million in the intervening months, proving Arthur's corruption and inefficiency cost the country a lot of money. When Arthur claimed there was no evidence against him, his opponents brought in a wheelbarrow full of documents before the Senate floor. The Senate voted to keep the new collector. Arthur was out.
Arthur would often stay up until 3 AM talking politics, smoking cigars, and eating and drinking with his friends. His wife didn't appreciate his neglect of her and the two were on the verge of separation when Nell died from pneumonia in 1880 at the age of 42.
When Garfield won the Republican nomination for president, Conkling got to pick his running mate since New York was key to winning the general election. Conkling picked Arthur. Garfield also had to give the impression that he would allow the New York patronage system to continue.
Conkling and Arthur campaigned for Garfield, however Conkling did so half-heartedly and didn't even mention Garfield's name at one rally, making Garfield question his commitment. Arthur continued to raise funds by demanding "voluntary contributions" from civil servants who wanted to keep their jobs and gained votes for Garfield by simply paying people to vote for him.
When Garfield won, the Conkling people asked him for appointments like they'd agreed, but he claimed he'd made no agreement with them. Garfield enraged Conkling by appointing a new collector to the NY Customhouse, an appointment Conkling was determined to block in the Senate. When he was unable to, Conkling resigned.
The man who assassinated President Garfield said he did it to make Arthur president. No major newspapers thought he was really working for Arthur since his mental illness was obvious, but many did blame the assassination on the spoils system since the assassin had been an office seeker.
While Garfield lay on his death bed, Chet received a letter from an unknown woman named Julia Sand, who would become his pen pal. She told him bluntly that everyone was dreading his presidency. However, she said, he had a great opportunity to turn over a new leaf and reform. He could prove everyone wrong by championing civil service reform.
When Garfield died Arthur was sworn in as president and vowed to continue Garfield's work. Since Garfield's tragic death had moved public opinion, Arthur couldn't simply undo what Garfield had done. He couldn't appoint Conkling to his cabinet. He couldn't be lenient to his friends who committed the postal star route frauds since Garfield had intended to hold them accountable. He also couldn't replace Garfield's choice of Collector for the Customhouse.
Arthur thoroughly renovated the White House, adding gold leaf, India brass work, jeweled glass screens, and panels of Japanese leather. White House parties consisted of the best liquors, excellent cuisine and expensive cigars. In less than a full term, he gave fifty state dinners, not counting numerous private parties. Tables were sometimes set with a bouquet of roses at each lady's plate and a boutonniere for each gentleman. The first state dinner had fourteen courses which came with eight varieties of wine, each served in its appropriate glass.
Arthur didn't care much for the job of president. He showed up to work late, often procrastinated, and members of his staff would have to force him to attend to matters at hand. He brought official-looking documents with him to appointments to make it look like he was busy. He had someone else write his addresses to Congress for him. It once took him a month to copy a letter of condolence prepared for him. Arthur mostly kept the Republicans happy by giving jobs to Republicans of different factions, and removing very few civil servants.
Even though he had known the postal star routes were being used to fraudulently raise funds for the Republicans, Arthur followed through on his promise to prosecute his friends involved in the fraud. After an extremely long trial, the jury acquitted the defendants, despite the fact there were over a hundred witnesses and thousands of pages of documents. There was good reason to suspect the jury had been tampered with. Even though the fraudsters weren't convicted, future postal fraud was stopped, saving the country $2 million a year.
Arthur contributed funds to a black church and awarded diplomas to graduates of a black high school in Washington. He'd also appointed black people to several government positions, and repeatedly urged Congress to provide federal aid to black education, which Congress ignored.
The significant Republican losses in the midterm election made it clear the people wanted Civil Service Reform. Congress passed and Arthur signed civil service reform legislation which states that tens of thousands of government jobs should be merit-based rather than politically appointed, and assessments would no longer be required, although "voluntary contributions" would remain. Enforcement of the act was left up to the president. Arthur surprised many by actually enforcing it.
Arthur was also instrumental in reforming the Navy, which had fallen into such disrepair it was inferior to the navies of several Latin American states. Many navy officers were incompetent political appointments who treated ships under their command as private yachts. Working with Congress, Arthur approved the construction of new steel ships (the current navy ships were mostly wood). His Secretary of the Navy also did his best to root out incompetent officers.
Arthur was in favor of assimilating Native Americans and got Congress to fund dozens of Native American schools. He resisted attempts by Congress to open up Indian Territory to white settlers. He used an executive order to protect Zuni land from relatives of Senator Logan. However, he did open the Crow Creek Reservation in Dakota Territory to settlement.
To the general public, Arthur was mainly known for his lavish parties, however, he concealed a private pain. He had Bright's Disease, a kidney affliction which can cause nausea, depression, and indolence (which might explain his lackadaisical approach to work). He had grown thin and feeble. He began to work even less than before.
In 1883, he took a vacation to Florida to escape the cold Washington D.C. winter. However, the Florida heat was worse for his health. He also caught malaria from a mosquito, making his health even worse. During the trip, he was so sick, the doctor thought him near death.
When he returned to Washington, he claimed to be in perfect health, but confessed to his doctor that he was in great pain. He expected to live only a few months or at most a few years longer. He remained in the race to seek reelection, but he didn't want to win. He returned a large campaign donation and told his friends not to campaign for him, although some did. He lost the Republican nomination.
He resumed his law practice upon leaving the presidency, although his health was so poor he was frequently too ill to leave home. The day before he died, he asked a friend to burn all his official and personal papers. He'd said there were many things in his political career he'd wished had been different. He advised his son never to go into politics. The price had been too high.
May 16, 2014
More an exhaustive overview of Gilded-Age U.S. politics then an actual biography, Gentleman Boss remains one of the few books to focus on America's forgotten 21rst president (he's so forgotten that he didn't even make it into the Simpson's classic "Mediocre Presidents" song). Chester "Chet" Arthur should have been an even more forgettable Vice-President, but Charles Guiteau changed that in 1881, killing President Garfield and altering Arthur's fate forever. Thomas Reeves makes a valiant effort to rehabilitate Arthur and for the most part he succeeds, although even he admits that Arthur might have achieved immortality if he had only been the bad President everyone expected him to me.
Arthur's life itself has occasional moments of fascination, from his Civil War career to his correspondence with his self-appointed conscience Julia Sand , a spinster who wrote to him during his administration. Arthur wrote back and even visited Sand, and though only a handful of letters have survived, they provide an unusual glimpse into the private life of a very private President. Then there's his successful manipulation of the press: Arthur's private life truly was private and with newspapers being our primary source of information for life in the Gilded Age, he remains something of a mystery. Perhaps this is why Mr. Reeves pads his book with such a thorough exploration of the politics of the time, from the divisions within the Republican party to the Arthur administration's tentative steps into a more extroverted foreign policy. Although Mr. Reeves should be commended for his research, time and again he loses focus on his supposed subject, at times threatening to undermine his own purpose: he wants to re-introduce us to a forgotten President, only to occasionally forget about him himself.
While an understanding of the politics of the time are essential to understanding Arthur's political career, Mr. Reeves might have been wiser to focus the story of the era through the lens of Arthur himself. This is the angle employed by Kenneth Ackerman in Dark Horse, a book that explores the same era but succeeds in explaining complicated political maneuverings while painting the emotional lives of the period's leading political figures.
Still, in some ways Mr. Reeves achieves his purpose: Arthur is revealed as an almost classical character who changes his corrupt ways after fate elevates him to the highest office of the land. No doubt another biographer might take an opposing viewpoint, but this is Mr. Reeves' thesis and, when he remembers, he proves it admirably. There is something appealing in an Arthur who attempts to use the Presidency to redeem his life of backroom deals and secret winks. Mr. Reeves also hints at Arthur's emotional struggles - after neglecting his wife Nell, he was apparently deeply grieved by her sudden death just a year before he and Garfield were elected.
Nobody but a true history geek would even contemplate reading this book: authors like Sarah Vowell, Candace Millard and Scott Millar are doing a good job making Gilded-Age politics accessible to all, but Mr. Reeves seems to be after a more academic crowd. Still, the Gilded Age is a part of Americana that gets very little attention even today, even though the events of the time played a significant role in pushing the US onto the world stage. The Arthur administration was one of the first to make overtures to the international community, prompting former Secretary of State James Blaine to ask why America should "take part in...the internal affairs of other continents? We shall either be told some day to mind our own business or else be forced to admit governments to participation in the questions affecting America." It's a good question, Mr. Blaine and one which we're still asking. For this reason alone, both Gentleman Boss and his era may demand a closer examination by anyone interested in wonder how America got to where it is.
Arthur's life itself has occasional moments of fascination, from his Civil War career to his correspondence with his self-appointed conscience Julia Sand , a spinster who wrote to him during his administration. Arthur wrote back and even visited Sand, and though only a handful of letters have survived, they provide an unusual glimpse into the private life of a very private President. Then there's his successful manipulation of the press: Arthur's private life truly was private and with newspapers being our primary source of information for life in the Gilded Age, he remains something of a mystery. Perhaps this is why Mr. Reeves pads his book with such a thorough exploration of the politics of the time, from the divisions within the Republican party to the Arthur administration's tentative steps into a more extroverted foreign policy. Although Mr. Reeves should be commended for his research, time and again he loses focus on his supposed subject, at times threatening to undermine his own purpose: he wants to re-introduce us to a forgotten President, only to occasionally forget about him himself.
While an understanding of the politics of the time are essential to understanding Arthur's political career, Mr. Reeves might have been wiser to focus the story of the era through the lens of Arthur himself. This is the angle employed by Kenneth Ackerman in Dark Horse, a book that explores the same era but succeeds in explaining complicated political maneuverings while painting the emotional lives of the period's leading political figures.
Still, in some ways Mr. Reeves achieves his purpose: Arthur is revealed as an almost classical character who changes his corrupt ways after fate elevates him to the highest office of the land. No doubt another biographer might take an opposing viewpoint, but this is Mr. Reeves' thesis and, when he remembers, he proves it admirably. There is something appealing in an Arthur who attempts to use the Presidency to redeem his life of backroom deals and secret winks. Mr. Reeves also hints at Arthur's emotional struggles - after neglecting his wife Nell, he was apparently deeply grieved by her sudden death just a year before he and Garfield were elected.
Nobody but a true history geek would even contemplate reading this book: authors like Sarah Vowell, Candace Millard and Scott Millar are doing a good job making Gilded-Age politics accessible to all, but Mr. Reeves seems to be after a more academic crowd. Still, the Gilded Age is a part of Americana that gets very little attention even today, even though the events of the time played a significant role in pushing the US onto the world stage. The Arthur administration was one of the first to make overtures to the international community, prompting former Secretary of State James Blaine to ask why America should "take part in...the internal affairs of other continents? We shall either be told some day to mind our own business or else be forced to admit governments to participation in the questions affecting America." It's a good question, Mr. Blaine and one which we're still asking. For this reason alone, both Gentleman Boss and his era may demand a closer examination by anyone interested in wonder how America got to where it is.
October 8, 2019
Surprisingly somewhat interesting.
November 27, 2014
I have never been disappointed by reading on the men (thus far) that have served as our Presidents. After finishing my studies of our 21st President, I can say that not one of them was an idiot. These men are mostly self made men who through ambition or circumstance find themselves at the top of the American political heap. As of these times (late 1800's), America had no right to claim a position of world power - in fact during the Arthur administration we had less than 20 naval vessels. Chester Arthur had no desire to be President - he was a loyal soldier in the New York political machine (Stalwarts) that desired to win power in politics in order to distribute the spoils to supporters. This patronage first came under fire in previous Presidencies (Hayes first and most forcibly). He was made VP in order to attract the important votes of the NY area to the Garfield ticket. When President Garfield was assassinated, he was thrust into power. Everyone expected him to continue his Stalwart ways - it was the fact that he did not that made him not trusted by anyone - the Half-Breeds of his own party did not trust him to not be s Stalwarts, his Stalwart friends were angry he did not act as he supposed to. He was a good President in almost every way - at a point in our history where the American people neither expected nor sought great Presidents. As his term neared an end, he was almost universally respected for the job he had done. He would have been much more famous if he had lived up to the bad expectations everyone had of him when he attained the position he had never sought. He provided the dignified calm that the nation sought after the assassination of Garfield. He wisely and surprisingly did not weigh in on the matters of the country - at that time it was expected that Congress would take the lead in those areas - and he stayed out of the way. Even with the admiration felt by many, there was no outcry for a second term (although his health kept him from even considering one). His popularity by every available indicator, did not inspire a great number of men to rally behind him. However grateful the American people were to him for his dignified and responsible handling of the nation's highest office at the time of crisis, they were perfectly willing to see him retire. He has earned and deserves the honest fame he earned. It is the story of a man who did NOT live up to his reputation - earned as a young man, as a student, teacher, attorney, and military officer. These jobs gave him the reputation as the "Gentleman Boss". It should not be surprising that he accomplished his duties so well. The fault lies with those that did not understand what the duties were. Like the 20 men before him, I will put the day of his passing onto my calendar - November 18, 1886 - so at least one per year he will be remembered. For those that enjoy Presidential history, this book is highly recommended.
May 9, 2017
The Gilded Age was coined by Mark Twain in his novel ‘The Gilded Age: A Tale of Today,’ in which he alluded to social erosion concealed by thin gold gilding. This late nineteenth century era covers the presidencies of Ulysses Grant, Rutherford Hayes, James Garfield, Chester Arthur, and Grover Cleveland. A period of internal improvement and staunch isolationism, the Gilded Age may be identified by one political theme above all others: civil service* reform. And among many historical figures, no one played a more central role in that plotline that Chester Alan Arthur.
After reading Biographies on Grant, Hayes, and Garfield, you would hope to be well versed in the state of U.S. civil service reform. It wasn’t until I read this biography on Arthur that I really connected the dots. In “Gentleman Boss: The Life of Chester Alan Arthur” by Thomas C. Reeves, Reeves’ detail and analysis of the civil service is worth the read alone. Because Chester Arthur was the Collector of the New York Customs House (a top position to receive political patronage) and President of the United States (dispenser of political patronage), Reeves obviously had a better vantage point than other biographers to explain the process and politics of the American civil service. He took advantage.
More than just the ‘spoils system,’ Reeves also expertly narrated the political landscape created by Roscoe Conkling that had a dramatic effect on the election of 1880 (Garfield) and the drama that followed when Arthur succeeded to the Presidency. Reeves set a wonderful stage to understand the irony in an ex-beneficiary of political patronage now being in charge of the U.S. civil service as well as the mandate from constituents to reform that very same process.
Overall, Reeves gives a readable and enjoyable account of the 21st President of the United States. And while some biographies (Team of Rivals, Washington: A Life) are great for historians and casual readers alike, and others (Candace Millard’s James Garfield) the former, this work by Thomas C. Reeves should be a must read for the experienced students of American History.
*Civil service reform entailed addressing how much authority and scope an incoming Presidential Administration should have over political appointments in the country. A system at least partially created by Andrew Jackson, thousands of people were politically dependent on the Chief Executive to keep employment. As you can imagine, this led to many professionals (Post Office personnel, customs workers, and almost all other government employees) being selected based on party loyalty rather than job competence.
After reading Biographies on Grant, Hayes, and Garfield, you would hope to be well versed in the state of U.S. civil service reform. It wasn’t until I read this biography on Arthur that I really connected the dots. In “Gentleman Boss: The Life of Chester Alan Arthur” by Thomas C. Reeves, Reeves’ detail and analysis of the civil service is worth the read alone. Because Chester Arthur was the Collector of the New York Customs House (a top position to receive political patronage) and President of the United States (dispenser of political patronage), Reeves obviously had a better vantage point than other biographers to explain the process and politics of the American civil service. He took advantage.
More than just the ‘spoils system,’ Reeves also expertly narrated the political landscape created by Roscoe Conkling that had a dramatic effect on the election of 1880 (Garfield) and the drama that followed when Arthur succeeded to the Presidency. Reeves set a wonderful stage to understand the irony in an ex-beneficiary of political patronage now being in charge of the U.S. civil service as well as the mandate from constituents to reform that very same process.
Overall, Reeves gives a readable and enjoyable account of the 21st President of the United States. And while some biographies (Team of Rivals, Washington: A Life) are great for historians and casual readers alike, and others (Candace Millard’s James Garfield) the former, this work by Thomas C. Reeves should be a must read for the experienced students of American History.
*Civil service reform entailed addressing how much authority and scope an incoming Presidential Administration should have over political appointments in the country. A system at least partially created by Andrew Jackson, thousands of people were politically dependent on the Chief Executive to keep employment. As you can imagine, this led to many professionals (Post Office personnel, customs workers, and almost all other government employees) being selected based on party loyalty rather than job competence.
November 9, 2009
I selected this book to read for a class in which we were asked to read the biography of a "leader". The instructor, by way of example, gave the names of a few of the more famous US presidents. I know a lot of people who are really into biographies of famous presidents, but I've never really liked the idea of reading about John Adams or Washington or Lincoln with the intent of distilling some sort of lesson from their lives. Not only was the world a different place back then, but these were people who - as extraordinary as they might have been - had to face pretty clear-cut challenges, and while overthrowing your colonial overlord, creating a radically new form of government from scratch, and fighting a war to keep your nation together are not exactly walks in the park, these were such extraordinary problems that I doubt there are any practical lessons to be taken from the lives of the people who faced them, though that doesn't keep people from trying. As brilliant as I believe myself to be, I probably will never encounter the challenge the meeting of which will make me into the next Jefferson.
Much better, I thought, to look to a more modest figure, someone who had some talent, perhaps someone whose character is not one of unalloyed courage and discipline, someone whose achievements are a little uncertain. Someone with a little dirt on him.
And hence Chester Arthur. I knew only what Wikipedia told me about him, and of the more obscure presidents his life looked like a relatively interesting one. And this well-written and well-researched biography manages to infuse a happy amount of tension, suspense, and balance into the life of this obscure figure to make it into a story well worth reading for the pleasure of it. In telling the story of Arthur's rise from charismatic New York City lawyer to spoilsman for the local republican machine to vice president and, ultimately, upon James Garfield's assassination, president, Reeves also gives a good flavor of the political and social climate of New York during the Guilded Age. The struggle for civil service reform, one of the central dramas of the book (and of the age) turns out to be quite a riveting saga, one that ultimately pits Arthur the president against all the cronies that Arthur the spoilsman looked to as clients. This was a far better book, and a far more relevant story than my initial cynicism allowed me to anticipate.
Much better, I thought, to look to a more modest figure, someone who had some talent, perhaps someone whose character is not one of unalloyed courage and discipline, someone whose achievements are a little uncertain. Someone with a little dirt on him.
And hence Chester Arthur. I knew only what Wikipedia told me about him, and of the more obscure presidents his life looked like a relatively interesting one. And this well-written and well-researched biography manages to infuse a happy amount of tension, suspense, and balance into the life of this obscure figure to make it into a story well worth reading for the pleasure of it. In telling the story of Arthur's rise from charismatic New York City lawyer to spoilsman for the local republican machine to vice president and, ultimately, upon James Garfield's assassination, president, Reeves also gives a good flavor of the political and social climate of New York during the Guilded Age. The struggle for civil service reform, one of the central dramas of the book (and of the age) turns out to be quite a riveting saga, one that ultimately pits Arthur the president against all the cronies that Arthur the spoilsman looked to as clients. This was a far better book, and a far more relevant story than my initial cynicism allowed me to anticipate.
July 31, 2016
For a group of politicians largely relegated to the "dustbin of history", the biographies of Gilded Age Presidents have proven surprisingly well-written and interesting (if you're into back-alley politics as much as the front-page variety). Gentleman Boss is no exception. In fact, it might be the best of the lot (so far). It largely skirts Arthur's childhood and schooling (a pet peeve of mine that often just extends a book rather than providing actual insights - Lincoln's childhood being a rare exception) in lieu of focusing on his political career, which was both extensive and illustrative of the kind of State-based politics that shaped the era. What's more, the later chapters (focusing on Arthur's actual presidency) were cleverly separated by topic rather than flowing chronologically, allowing me to get a better handle on the subjects than I think I would have otherwise.
Admittedly, Arthur isn't the most interesting of the Gilded Age Presidents. Even the history of the Stalwarts in New York, which might have been the most enthralling part of the book for me, probably would be better explored through a biography of Roscoe Conkling. Nevertheless, once Arthur becomes President and Conkling and the Stalwarts are effectively sidelined from his political actions, the book does a fantastic job of parsing out the information and explaining its significance.
Admittedly, Arthur isn't the most interesting of the Gilded Age Presidents. Even the history of the Stalwarts in New York, which might have been the most enthralling part of the book for me, probably would be better explored through a biography of Roscoe Conkling. Nevertheless, once Arthur becomes President and Conkling and the Stalwarts are effectively sidelined from his political actions, the book does a fantastic job of parsing out the information and explaining its significance.
December 3, 2017
I wish I could give this book a higher rating. I generally enjoyed it and learned a lot about an oft-overlooked figure in American history. However, I found myself complaining about this book more often than praising it. I objected to the author's pro-Southern slant on both the Civil War and Reconstruction. I was annoyed by his occasionally hostile, sometimes inaccurate and overall dismissive take on the careers of Hayes and Garfield. And I was bored by his overlong descriptions of the minutia of local politics and finances. The author also failed in his objective of convincing the reader that Arthur was a good president. I'll grant that Arthur was merely mediocre instead of bad but his record of accomplishment remains thin, despite the author's assertions otherwise.
September 3, 2007
This sweeping epic depicts how this low-born Canadian (OK his birthplace remains in debate) became a fashionable and wealthy Collector of the Port of New York, and then a fascinating (but weak) accidental President. Fascinating because suddenly he became principled, while his crony and patron Roscoe Conkling marched off into the angry fog. Fascinating also because his sexual orientation remains ambiguous, despite a devoted marriage that ended to soon (with her death) and seems to have shaken him considerably. Whatever the case, he was definitely our only enthusiastic Interior Decorator President.
March 5, 2013
A very detailed (at times tediously so) biography of the nation's largely forgotten 21st president. Before his presidency Arthur was the consummate machine politician. There really isn't much to admire in him, personally or politically. However, Garfield's death and Arthur's "accidental" ascent to the presidency marked a turning point. Arthur did not use the presidency as a vehicle to reward the men of his own faction, as many thought he would. He distanced himself from machine politics and lead a stable, if unremarkable, administration.
November 18, 2014
The only problem I have with Gentleman Boss as it's depth. While the prose is sufficient to not make it a tortuous slow read, I still grew quickly bored with the incredible amount of detail that surrounded the life of Chester Arthur. That's a good problem to have - if you want to learn about the 21st president, you can't do better than this book.
June 4, 2012
This is really 3.5 stars, but I'm rounding up because it should get bonus points for inspiring me to make a mini-series based on it. A Hayes/Garfield/Arthur/Conkling/Gilded Age mini-series. It's going to be so awesome.
July 20, 2012
Good focus on Presidency and political battles with other Republican factions. Very detailed discussions on Grant vs. Conkling vs. Blaine battles for the soul of the post Civil War GOP. But the book was a little weak on on why and how he got into politics and the history of his early life.
October 17, 2013
Best combination of a competend written book (the facts) and a story which tells the story of this deeply emotional and sensible man (great surprise). After reading you may decide as mine, that this is the most underrated President.
April 19, 2018
While not spectacular as a character study of Chester A Arthur (which is perhaps impossible to write given he had all his personal papers destroyed), as a commentary on the Gilded Age which Arthur lived through it is quite good.
May 15, 2012
enjoyed it- had to feel for a man who became president so unexpectedly and with the country so much against him-
December 10, 2015
Fascinating look at a relatively unknown president but bit long-winded at times.
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