Other than the Paris Review interviews and a few others, I am generally not a fan of interviews in the question and answer format. I would rather read a well-rounded profile or a piece where the quotes are weaved in with other details or insights, which is how I try to write too after interviewing someone. So, a book of more than 700 pages, consisting of a long interview in the question and answer format, is not something I would readily pick up.
But, here the person facing the question happens to be one Mr.Castro, who speaks at length about the many historical events about which a majority's understanding have been formed through US media propaganda. Ignacio Ramonet, the interviewer, is not a Castro apologist, as evident in his sharp, relentless questioning, covering almost every aspect of Castro's life and politics. In Ramonet's own words, Castro never asked for a list of questions, all through the hours of interviews, spread over different periods.
The interview begins from his rather privileged family background. His father Don Angel Castro, who immigrated from Galicia in Spain, was initially a soldier and then a labourer for the United Fruit Company, but later grew to own 900 hectares of land. His mother Lina belonged to a family with origins from the Canary islands. While the young Castro lived in considerable comfort, the majority in the village were not so and also were illiterate. He speaks of his memories as a ten year old in Biran, of reading from the newspaper reports about the Spanish civil war to the house cook Manuel Garcia, who was illiterate. These readings about a war in which many from around the world participated to resist the fascists, probably sowed the seeds of an internationalist outlook in him.
One of his first acts of rebellion was against his school vice principal, who slapped him several times without much of a reason. The young Castro punched and kicked him in return in front of the whole school. He was 11 years old then. By the time he was studying law at University, he had become a Marxist-Leninist. Castro's memory and attention to detail comes to the fore in his recounting of the failed attack on the Moncada Barracks on July 26, 1953. He speaks about the meticulous planning, the arrival in different groups during a carnival to avoid suspicion and the plan was to seize the army's weapons. They all wore the uniforms of the army under dictator Batista, but recognised each other using low cut street shoes. The training was done at shooting ranges. Among the 140 men, 40 were kept guarding the highway against a counter-attack.
Yet, for all the planning, the move failed and Castro and his comrades captured. His life could have ended there, but for the intervention of Lieutenant Pedro Sarria who saved him from being shot by his subordinates and refused to hand him over to his superior. The background to his 'History will absolve me' speech, made as part of his defense in court, is also recounted. Considerable space is set aside for the guerilla campaign centred on Sierra Maestra, from where the revolution triumphed with just 3000 fighters in less than two years on January 1, 1959. Castro says even Hemingway's 'For whom the bell tolls' helped in strategising the irregular war.
To a question on their long beards, he says - "The story of our beards is very simple. It arose out of the difficult conditions we were living and fighting under as guerrillas. We didn't have any razor blades, everybody just let their beards and hair grow, and that turned into a kind of badge of identity. For the campesinos and everybody else, for the press, for the reporters we were "los barbudos" - the bearded ones. It had its positive side: in order for a spy to infiltrate us, he had to start preparing months ahead of time - he'd have had to have six-months' growth of beard, you see. Later, with the triumph of the Revolution, we kept our beards to preserve the symbolism."
Castro says that none of the soldiers who were captured were tortured, because the aim was to win them over to this side, when the revolutionaries come into power. Among those who treated the injured soldiers were Dr.Che Guevara. He talks about the lies spread by catholic clergy and the US, the most notorious one being that the revolution will take away the children. Using this as a pretext, 14000 children were virtually kidnapped to the US. The enactment of the land reform act was predictably opposed by the US corporates and their agents.
The initial years of Castro's Government were marked by acts of sabotage, mostly engineered by the US. The period from 1961 to 63, the country witnessed 5780 terrorist actions, 717 serious attacks on industrial faciliities and even plane hijackings. The US went to great lengths to protect the terrorist Luis Posada Carriles, a Cuban exile and CIA agent, who who was involved in the bombing of a Cuban airliner in 1976, killing 73 people, as well as organised the bombing of tourist hotels in Cuba. Protected till the end of his life, the terrorist died in US in 2018, at the age of 90, more than 13 years after this book came out. The terrorist was a hero for the Cuban exiles whom the Western media so love to quote to run down Cuba. Then there is the case of the "poet" Armando valladares, who faked paralysis, and was released from prison after serving sentence for terrorist activity.
In the extended talk on the 'Bay of Pigs' invasion of 1961, Castro says that 1200 of the 1500 mercenaries who landed from the US were captured, but none of them were ill-treated and all of them were returned to the US. He even challenges the interviewer to find people to counter this claim. Now, compare this conduct with that of the US, which kept in jail men captured on allegations of spying for years and years.
One of the less discussed aspects of the Cuban model is the help extended by the country to the liberation struggles in many colonised countries, a large number of them being African countries, despite its own struggles. Among the countries which got Cuban help in this respect include Algeria, Mozambique, East Timor, Guinea Bissau, Angola, Congo and Bolivia. As many as 50,000 Cuban soldiers were sent to Angola to fight against the racist South African army in the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale in 1987. Not to forget, US was an ally of the apartheid regime. Cuba also played a significant contribution to the toppling of the apartheid regime in South Africa, the liberation of Zimbabwe and the independence to Namibia and Angola. The country regularly sends doctors and other support to disaster-hit countries. But, the US refused aid after Hurricane Katrina.
One of the most memorable parts of the book is the part where he talks about the call that he made to Hugo Chavez during the US-engineered coup of April 11,2002, when Chavez was stranded inside the presidential palace with few of his most trusted officers. "Fidel's call was decisive in preventing mass self sacrifice. It was the determining factor. His advice allowed is to see better through the obscurity," Chavez would later say. The message that he hadn't resigned , and is a prisoner president, was announced to the world through Castro, to whom Chavez's daughter passed the message, contradicting the claims by the corporate media. Thus, for a time, he became a reporter for the counter coup relaying messages from the Venezuelan armed forces, who stood with Chavez, to the outside world.
This should be a recommended read for anyone anywhere in the world, for there is hardly any country free of the impact of the policies of the US Government. And, no one exposes their true intent and hypocrisy like Castro does. An entire life resisting imperial designs and surviving hundreds of attempts on his life has certainly equipped him for it.