“Migration to the cities accelerated the growth of the urban working class, the proletariat that Marxists saw as the vanguard of the revolution. From little more than a million inhabitants at the turn of the century, the population of St. Petersburg rose to more than 3 million by the end of 1916. Conditions in factories were appalling and dangerous. Workers were regarded as expendable by the owners since so many peasants were waiting to take their place. There was no right to strike, and no compensation for dismissal. In the case of any dispute, the police always sided with the factory owners…The workers slept in galleried barracks, doss-houses and tenements amid squalor and disease…In such overcrowded conditions, tuberculosis and venereal diseases spread alongside occasional epidemics of cholera and typhus. Life expectancy was as low as in the poorest villages. The only freedom lay in the lowest circle of hell inhabited by the lumpen proletariat of the unemployed – a subterranean world of child prostitution, petty theft, and drunken fights…The only disaster which could make life even worse for the poor in Russia was a major European conflict…”
- Antony Beevor, Russia: Revolution and Civil War, 1917-1921
The twentieth century might be the most costly, calamitous, and crowded hundred-year span in human history. It had huge wars, terrible pandemics, and cruelties on an industrial scale. Given everything that happened, it is impossible to determine the single, most pivotal moment. But the Russian Revolution is on the shortlist.
Complicated to the point of being convoluted, staggeringly tragic, and peopled by an unforgettable cast of characters – many of the villainous variety – the Russian Revolution and subsequent civil war is an unbeatable subject. I’m always up for reading about it, especially when the author is Antony Beevor, one of the best popular historians working today.
In Russia: Revolution and Civil War, 1917-1921, Beevor tries to capture the whole epic tale, from the fall of the Romanovs to the end of the Whites. It is a tall task, and one that he only inconsistently accomplishes. Much like the seesawing Russian Civil War itself, Russia is intermittently fascinating and frustrating. At certain times it is brilliant; at other points the insane compression makes it extremely hard to follow along.
Ultimately, this is a book that should have been much longer, or much shorter.
***
Whatever its flaws, Russia is well-structured. It is divided into four parts. The first is the most expansive, starting in 1912, ending in 1917, and covering the outbreak of the First World War, the toppling of Nicholas II, and the Bolshevik seizure of power. The subsequent parts each cover a one-year period. Within each big section, the chapters proceed chronologically, each one helpfully date-stamped.
This methodical approach is necessary, because there is just so much going on. One can spend a lifetime on revolutionary politics alone, with innumerable factions, each with their own notions on how a three-hundred-year dynasty should be replaced. Understanding this period is made even harder by the Bolshevik propensity to cloak themselves in obscurantist language.
Once the civil war breaks out, things somehow get even messier. Color coding the sides – Reds versus Whites – grossly simplifies the vastly different aims among the competing sides, and it can be dizzying trying to sort through it all. There were times when I felt a bit lost, but the step-by-step layout is helpful in this regard.
***
There have been numerous books on the Russian Revolution, many of them quite good. For my money, Beevor’s handling of this period is fine, but not spectacular. It is definitely streamlined, and important figures – such as the Tsar himself – don’t get a lot of time onstage. It almost seemed that Beevor just wanted to get it out of the way, in order to proceed with the internecine conflict that followed.
Beevor is much more invested in the civil war, which pitted the ruthlessly single-minded Bolsheviks against an odd assortment of monarchists, social democrats, republicans, Cossacks, Czechs, and Poles, fitfully aided by Great Britain, France, and the United States. The fortunes of both sides waxed and waned, adding further layers of complexity. Victory for either side was made difficult by the vast spaces of the former Russian empire. Successful offensives often left the winning side overextended. As Beevor notes, this especially hurt the Whites, who were disorganized to start, and were unable to consolidate gains.
***
At five-hundred pages of text, Russia is not a small book, by any means. Taking into account how much it tries to cover, though, five-hundred pages is not enough. Nevertheless, Beevor tries to be comprehensive, which means that many important figures are hurriedly introduced, and many important events skimmed over. I found myself having to keep a list of names, which I constantly referred to. A few hundred more pages would have given the material space to breathe, and – in my opinion – made things easier to follow. Of course, that might just be my big-book bias talking.
Conversely, Beevor could have gone the route of concision, cutting down on extraneous details and taking a big-picture approach, instead of getting into the thickets. Unfortunately, Beevor gets caught in the middle, between too much and not enough.
That said, there are many times when Russia snaps into place, and Beevor’s gift for storytelling – along with his abiding interest in the human element – renders these quibbles unimportant. He has a keen eye for portraiture, and when he takes the time, is able to provide memorable sketches of the opportunists, rogues, murderers, and zealots who populate the narrative.
***
Having read several of Beevor’s books on the Second World War, I know that he is more than a bit skeptical of the Soviet Union. In Stalingrad, it sometimes felt like he didn’t know which side he wanted to win: the Soviets or the Nazis. In The Fall of Berlin, he extensively catalogued the crimes of the Red Army.
Here, Beevor doesn’t hide his feelings about the Bolsheviks. That said, he is no apologist for the Whites. As he demonstrates time and again, both sides were engaged in a kind of inhumanity Olympics. It’s not just the level of violence – which is staggering – but the enthusiasm with which it was carried out. Some of the most effective, chilling sequences in Russia occur when Beevor follows ordinary people as they try to survive a hellscape in which the value of life had cratered.
***
However much he despises them, Beevor gives the Bolsheviks their due. While the fractious Whites quarreled amongst themselves, failed to form an effective administration, and never garnered popular support, the Reds – under the pitiless rule of Vladimir Lenin – were absolutely committed to their goal, whatever the cost.
It is hard to imagine what the end-results of a White triumph would have looked like. We know – all too well – the consequences of their defeat. The creation of the Soviet Union, and the spread of communism that entailed, helped fuel the rise of fascism, creating the conditions for another world war. Millions of ordinary Soviet citizens would die in manmade famines or bloody purges. Millions more would toil in distant gulags. Meanwhile, the inept help the western Allies gave to the Whites helped to create an East-West divide that lingers to this day, even with the Soviet Union’s disappearance. Though imperfect, Beevor does a good job of disentangling many of these threads which – woven together – form one of the bleakest tapestries of an already extremely dark period of history.