Issues surrounding undocumented migration to the United States have been the subjects of heated debate in the American political system for decades. As Seth Holmes explains, however, there is a sense of irony in the fact that policymakers often contribute to the structures that perpetuate undocumented labor migration and legitimize the resulting social inequalities. These inequalities and the embodied suffering that coincide become normalized, Holmes argues, often remaining unnoticed by those at all levels of the social hierarchy. At other times, the oppressed are blamed for their own suffering.
As both a physician and an anthropologist, Holmes is invested in understanding the health outcomes that result from political and economic social structures and how these outcomes are normalized. In this critical ethnography, he does so by conducting extensive fieldwork amongst the Triqui, an indigenous group from the Mexican state of Oaxaca, as they migrate to the United States to work in agricultural fields.
His research pairs Eric Wolf’s theory of political economy with the concept of symbolic violence introduced by Pierre Bourdieu. He notes the impact of international policy on labor migration, citing the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) as a source of economic hardship for Mexico’s indigenous corn producers, many of whom were subsequently forced to migrate in order to provide for their families. As Holmes’ observations reveal, Triqui migrant workers experience numerous forms of violence and domination that become socially justified through symbolic interpretations of their bodies. These notions regarding bodies are described by pairing Bourdieu’s ideas of doxa and habitus. The normalization and structural support of these social perceptions constitute symbolic violence, which Holmes explains as “the interrelations of social structures of inequalities and perceptions” (p. 44).
Holmes’ book is organized into a foreword and seven chapters. The foreword, written by Philippe Bourgois, speaks to timeliness of Holmes’ work. Most of the following chapters are cleverly titled using quotes obtained in the field that are relevant to that chapter’s content. In chapter 1, “Introduction: ‘Worth Risking Your Life?,’” Holmes provides a background to his research, which is intermingled with sections of ethnographic narrative detailing his initial encounters and subsequent journey across the border with the Triqui. His second chapter provides a holistic definition of the body and argues for the inclusion of the anthropologist’s perspective in research on body politics. During his fieldwork, Holmes relied heavily on participant observation in order to ascertain the effects that structural, symbolic violence has on the bodies of migrant farmworkers. Understanding the embodiment of migrant suffering through personal experience not only served to build rapport with his research subjects, but also provided ethnographic richness to his narrative, as he was able to observe the suffering caused by structural violence.
Chapter 3 details the hierarchical nature of agricultural work in the United States and how placement of individuals in this hierarchy establishes “ethnicity” as a social definition related to economic and social power. Holmes presents a conceptual diagram of this hierarchy, depicting the relationship between ethnicity and social power and incorporating language, citizenship, and type of labor performed into this structure (p. 85). Their placement at the bottom of this hierarchy has health consequences for the Triqui, which Holmes expounds upon in chapter 4. He documents the experiences of migrant farmworkers, showcasing sickness and pain as an embodiment of symbolic violence rooted in institutionalized racism. This social structure extends beyond the boundaries of the agricultural workplace, however, as medical professionals frequently blame the Triqui for their own suffering—the topic of chapter 5. Chapter 6 builds on the previous sections, describing the ways in which hierarchical power relations, symbolic violence, and health consequences become normalized social conditions by all members in a social hierarchy—including those most disenfranchised.
In his conclusion Holmes offers a critique of the American healthcare system, arguing that medical professionals treating sickness should address “not only its current manifestations but also its social, economic, and political causes” (p. 193). He further remarks on the complexity of America’s agricultural industry, noting that a legislated increase in the wages paid to migrant laborers would likely drive more farms toward complete mechanization. While many of the Triqui advocate for legal temporary residency in order to perform seasonal agricultural labor, Holmes recommends a reform in immigration legislation that would allow a path to citizenship. In sum, Holmes presents a relevant and effective piece that seeks to make American citizens critically aware of the structural and symbolic violence inflicted on the bodies of those whose labor provides us with access to affordable goods—a premise often ignored by legislators and politicians. When reading of these migrant farmworkers’ lived experiences, it becomes readily apparent that building a wall will not “make America great again”; the problem is not migrant laborers, but the social structures that oppress, dehumanize, and perpetuate symbolic violence.