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Zhou Enlai: A Life
The definitive biography of Zhou Enlai, the first premier and preeminent diplomat of the People’s Republic of China, who protected his country against the excesses of his boss―Chairman Mao.
Zhou Enlai spent twenty-seven years as premier of the People’s Republic of China and ten as its foreign minister. He was the architect of the country’s administrative apparatus and its relationship to the world, as well as its legendary spymaster. Richard Nixon proclaimed him “the greatest statesman of our era.” Yet Zhou has always been overshadowed by Chairman Mao. Chen Jian brings Zhou into the light, offering a nuanced portrait of his complex life as a revolutionary, a master diplomat, and a man with his own vision and aspirations who did much to make China, as well as the larger world, what it is today.
Born to a declining mandarin family in 1898, Zhou received a classical education and as a teenager spent time in Japan. As a young man, driven by the desire for China’s development, Zhou embraced the communist revolution as a vehicle of China’s salvation. He helped Mao govern through a series of transformations, including the disastrous Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution. Yet, as Chen shows, Zhou was never a committed Maoist. His extraordinary political and bureaucratic skill, combined with his centrist approaches, enabled him to mitigate the enormous damage caused by Mao’s radicalism.
When Zhou died in 1976, the PRC that we know of was not yet visible on the horizon; he never saw glistening twenty-first-century Shanghai or the broader emergence of Chinese capitalism. But it was Zhou’s work that shaped the nation whose influence and power are today felt in every corner of the globe.
Zhou Enlai spent twenty-seven years as premier of the People’s Republic of China and ten as its foreign minister. He was the architect of the country’s administrative apparatus and its relationship to the world, as well as its legendary spymaster. Richard Nixon proclaimed him “the greatest statesman of our era.” Yet Zhou has always been overshadowed by Chairman Mao. Chen Jian brings Zhou into the light, offering a nuanced portrait of his complex life as a revolutionary, a master diplomat, and a man with his own vision and aspirations who did much to make China, as well as the larger world, what it is today.
Born to a declining mandarin family in 1898, Zhou received a classical education and as a teenager spent time in Japan. As a young man, driven by the desire for China’s development, Zhou embraced the communist revolution as a vehicle of China’s salvation. He helped Mao govern through a series of transformations, including the disastrous Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution. Yet, as Chen shows, Zhou was never a committed Maoist. His extraordinary political and bureaucratic skill, combined with his centrist approaches, enabled him to mitigate the enormous damage caused by Mao’s radicalism.
When Zhou died in 1976, the PRC that we know of was not yet visible on the horizon; he never saw glistening twenty-first-century Shanghai or the broader emergence of Chinese capitalism. But it was Zhou’s work that shaped the nation whose influence and power are today felt in every corner of the globe.
840 pages, Hardcover
First published May 7, 2024
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September 28, 2024
Rounded up from 4.5
Some of the analysis is pretty dubious but the subject matter is fascinating and there is just so much valuable detail here. The author has clearly done a lot of archive-trawling and I for one am very grateful.
Some of the analysis is pretty dubious but the subject matter is fascinating and there is just so much valuable detail here. The author has clearly done a lot of archive-trawling and I for one am very grateful.
July 9, 2025
Ever since I read Henry Kissinger's Memoirs many years ago, I have been interested in learning more about China's Premier for nearly twenty-seven years, and its Foreign Minister for a decade: Zhou Enlai. He was a major figure in 20th century Chinese history, being one of the leaders behind the Communist Revolution throughout the 1930s and 40s. His was a bipolar type of existence: dealing with heads of state such as Richard Nixon while simultaneously being ever subservient to the whims and depredations of Mao Zedong, China's de facto dictator (technically, Mao was Chairman of the CCP - Chinese Communist Party).
One thing to note upfront: while this is an excellent biography, there is not a ton on the personal life of Zhou. I do not blame the author, Chen Jian, for this as Zhou was first and foremost a Communist revolutionary, devoting his life's work to the party. Even with his marriage, while it was not loveless, politics and loyalty to the party came first, with Zhou rejecting a woman purely based on her - in his view - not being ideologically pure enough for him. He and his wife, Deng Yingchao, had no children, although they essentially raised one of Zhou's nieces. Zhou's life was his work, up to the very end. Thus even Yingchao only pops up occasionally in the narrative.
As a young man, Zhou traveled widely: Japan (where he failed to get into university because, try as he might, he could not learn the Japanese language), France, the United Kingdom, and Germany. Hence he got exposed to Western ideas and politics. Yet, he became radicalized while living in Paris (in contrast to Japanese, Zhou was able to learn French, English, and German) and returned to China ready to help overthrow the Nationalist government and turn the country Communist.
Through hard work and persistence, Zhou became one of the leaders of the Communist movement, even outranking Mao for a time. He became a spymaster, setting up covert operations in Chiang Kai-Shek's government. And he was and could be brutal when he felt he needed to be, at one point ordering the killing of an entire family that included a two year-old boy for something that his father had done. A nice person doesn't do that. I do want to say that, after finishing this book, I think that - while Zhou was capable of cruel acts such as this - I found this more out of character than in character for him, as many times he went out of his way to shield people as much as he could from Mao's excesses. Still, Zhou had an agenda, and if someone got in the way, they would be moved out of the way.
Around this time, the book moves into the 1930s and becomes subsumed with the Communists years-long fight against the Nationalists, and also with imperial Japan invading China. The two differing Chinese factions warily agreed to fight against the Japanese invaders, but truthfully it never really worked out. Neither side trusted the other - both for good reasons. Japan ultimately receded and then pulled out of China more so because it was losing WWII than anything to do with attacks by the Chinese. This time period also included The Long March, where Mao led the Communists out of danger, and many years later, to ultimate victory over the Nationalists. This is the only part of the book that started to drag a little bit for me, as the narrative became somewhat bogged down with Zhou's moving about, issuing orders, and battle movements. It was necessary to his story, just not my particular favorite thing to read about.
The Communists finally drove the Nationalists off the mainland and to Taiwan in 1949. By this point, Mao was the undisputed leader of the Party and the movement, and had already begun to develop a cult following. Zhou was one of his top associates, and became Premier of the new government, as well as Foreign Minister. Jian spends a lot of time in the book reviewing and analyzing Zhou and Mao's relationship. It is complex, with the two men working together for almost a half century until they both died in 1976. Mao was oftentimes evil, prone to change his mind for no apparent reason, maniacal, and deeply suspicious of everyone, including Zhou. Mao basically was essentially a specter that hovered over Zhou until he died.
However, Mao needed Zhou to administer and run the government. And while Zhou was always loyal to Mao, and himself did not want to be the leader, Mao never trusted him. They would occasionally have policy disagreements, such as when Zhou opposed Mao's "rash advance" mantra in the late 1950s. Mao had a long memory, and would hold these disagreements over Zhou's head. Zhou - and everyone else under Mao - was subjected to periods where they would be criticized mercilessly at Politburo and other meetings, often being forced by Mao to make "self-criticism". And if Mao did not think that the self-criticism went far enough, he would demand more. These people seemed to spend half their lives in meeting, criticizing themselves and each other at Mao's direction. Mao conducted a "Rectification Campaign" in 1943 that targeted Zhou for "mistakes" that he had supposedly made. Mistakes should be read as disagreeing with Mao. It had to be deeply humiliating for Zhou to be subjected to this, given his high position both at home and abroad. He basically had to debase himself in front of Mao and all of the other top party officials. And, Mao would bring up his "mistakes" literally decades later. It was cruel, and nobody was exempt from this treatment. Except, of course, Mao.
So why did Zhou put up with this abuse? Why did others? Why was Zhou either silent or an accomplice when other people were purged or criticized? Jian at one point attempts to tackle this very issue, on page 538: "Why then, were they and the whole party and state establishment so powerless against Mao? Why did they fail to show any guts or capacity to push back on Mao's extraordinarily provocative moves? Was this because of Mao's despotic power and semidivine authority? Or was this due to the 1943 resolution providing him with the final authority on all important decisions? Both of these reasons are true. But the key probably also lay in the inability of Zhou... or any other CCP leader to come up with an alternative grand legitimacy narrative for the Chinese revolution and 'continuous revolution.'... In China's political development, this dynamic, combined with his unchecked political power and unchallengeable authority, made Mao invincible."
So why did Zhou put up with this treatment for the rest of his life? I think because he simply had no choice. He, and others, allowed Mao to obtain absolute power in the 1940s, and it grew steadily throughout the 1950s until he was completely untouchable. But Zhou was shrewd, and while many others such as Deng Xiaoping were purged over the years, Zhou never was. He was crafty and got good at anticipating what he thought Mao wanted or what direction Mao would take on a certain issue. And he also made himself invaluable by keeping the country afloat during the disastrous Great Leap Forward and then again a decade later with the Cultural Revolution (Mao launched this when he himself did not even seem to know what it was supposed to be about). Zhou carried out all of Mao's instructions, no matter how maddening they might be.
At the same time, Zhou was effectively representing China on the world stage. He attended conferences, met with everyone from Josef Stalin to Anthony Eden to Richard Nixon. He traveled extensively throughout Europe and Asia, and also went to Africa. He worked for many years to resolve a border dispute with India. Years before he first met Kissinger in 1971, he tried to open doors to some type of relationship with the United States. He successfully established formal diplomatic relations with many Western powers including France and Great Britain. He did have some mistakes of course, as anyone with a decades-long career would. Both he and Mao over-estimated China's ability to help North Korea win the Korean War, which had serious world repercussions for decades in the ensuing Cold War. Zhou foolishly rejected a three-party proposal that would have ended the war due to this over-estimation and also a misreading of U.S. intentions and resolve.
The chapter on the Nixon/Kissinger visit was pretty good. Jian does well at examining how Zhou laid the groundwork on his end for this historic meeting to occur. And while Mao certainly gave Zhou a lot of problems, it should also be noted that Mao and Zhou worked together on many things, with Mao frequently approving Zhou's directives and courses of action. I think Mao approved way more of Zhou's work than he disapproved of. And that was the case here as this visit could not have happened without Mao signing off on it. Oddly, once Jian gets to the point where Nixon actually arrives and meets Mao, he sort of rushes through that momentous meeting. Still, after having read Kissinger's version of it, and Nixon's, it is nice to see it from Zhou's perspective, as much as we can get.
Unfortunately, Zhou's great diplomatic successes resulted not only in positives for China in relation to trade, diplomacy, and overall stature, but also served to make Mao even more suspicious and jealous. Zhou, at 75, was subjected to another round of endless criticism and self-criticism in 1973. I had to wonder, and Jian did too early in the book: if young Zhou, when he first met Mao and could had the ability to stop him, could have looked into the future and saw all of the chaos, calamity, and personal hell that he would have to endure at Mao's hands, would he have still went down that same path?
A truly excellent biography about an enormously influential figure in world history. Jian treats Zhou with respect and admiration for some things while also condemning him for his being an all-too-frequent useful tool in implementing Mao's maniacal decisions. Highly recommended.
Grade: A
One thing to note upfront: while this is an excellent biography, there is not a ton on the personal life of Zhou. I do not blame the author, Chen Jian, for this as Zhou was first and foremost a Communist revolutionary, devoting his life's work to the party. Even with his marriage, while it was not loveless, politics and loyalty to the party came first, with Zhou rejecting a woman purely based on her - in his view - not being ideologically pure enough for him. He and his wife, Deng Yingchao, had no children, although they essentially raised one of Zhou's nieces. Zhou's life was his work, up to the very end. Thus even Yingchao only pops up occasionally in the narrative.
As a young man, Zhou traveled widely: Japan (where he failed to get into university because, try as he might, he could not learn the Japanese language), France, the United Kingdom, and Germany. Hence he got exposed to Western ideas and politics. Yet, he became radicalized while living in Paris (in contrast to Japanese, Zhou was able to learn French, English, and German) and returned to China ready to help overthrow the Nationalist government and turn the country Communist.
Through hard work and persistence, Zhou became one of the leaders of the Communist movement, even outranking Mao for a time. He became a spymaster, setting up covert operations in Chiang Kai-Shek's government. And he was and could be brutal when he felt he needed to be, at one point ordering the killing of an entire family that included a two year-old boy for something that his father had done. A nice person doesn't do that. I do want to say that, after finishing this book, I think that - while Zhou was capable of cruel acts such as this - I found this more out of character than in character for him, as many times he went out of his way to shield people as much as he could from Mao's excesses. Still, Zhou had an agenda, and if someone got in the way, they would be moved out of the way.
Around this time, the book moves into the 1930s and becomes subsumed with the Communists years-long fight against the Nationalists, and also with imperial Japan invading China. The two differing Chinese factions warily agreed to fight against the Japanese invaders, but truthfully it never really worked out. Neither side trusted the other - both for good reasons. Japan ultimately receded and then pulled out of China more so because it was losing WWII than anything to do with attacks by the Chinese. This time period also included The Long March, where Mao led the Communists out of danger, and many years later, to ultimate victory over the Nationalists. This is the only part of the book that started to drag a little bit for me, as the narrative became somewhat bogged down with Zhou's moving about, issuing orders, and battle movements. It was necessary to his story, just not my particular favorite thing to read about.
The Communists finally drove the Nationalists off the mainland and to Taiwan in 1949. By this point, Mao was the undisputed leader of the Party and the movement, and had already begun to develop a cult following. Zhou was one of his top associates, and became Premier of the new government, as well as Foreign Minister. Jian spends a lot of time in the book reviewing and analyzing Zhou and Mao's relationship. It is complex, with the two men working together for almost a half century until they both died in 1976. Mao was oftentimes evil, prone to change his mind for no apparent reason, maniacal, and deeply suspicious of everyone, including Zhou. Mao basically was essentially a specter that hovered over Zhou until he died.
However, Mao needed Zhou to administer and run the government. And while Zhou was always loyal to Mao, and himself did not want to be the leader, Mao never trusted him. They would occasionally have policy disagreements, such as when Zhou opposed Mao's "rash advance" mantra in the late 1950s. Mao had a long memory, and would hold these disagreements over Zhou's head. Zhou - and everyone else under Mao - was subjected to periods where they would be criticized mercilessly at Politburo and other meetings, often being forced by Mao to make "self-criticism". And if Mao did not think that the self-criticism went far enough, he would demand more. These people seemed to spend half their lives in meeting, criticizing themselves and each other at Mao's direction. Mao conducted a "Rectification Campaign" in 1943 that targeted Zhou for "mistakes" that he had supposedly made. Mistakes should be read as disagreeing with Mao. It had to be deeply humiliating for Zhou to be subjected to this, given his high position both at home and abroad. He basically had to debase himself in front of Mao and all of the other top party officials. And, Mao would bring up his "mistakes" literally decades later. It was cruel, and nobody was exempt from this treatment. Except, of course, Mao.
So why did Zhou put up with this abuse? Why did others? Why was Zhou either silent or an accomplice when other people were purged or criticized? Jian at one point attempts to tackle this very issue, on page 538: "Why then, were they and the whole party and state establishment so powerless against Mao? Why did they fail to show any guts or capacity to push back on Mao's extraordinarily provocative moves? Was this because of Mao's despotic power and semidivine authority? Or was this due to the 1943 resolution providing him with the final authority on all important decisions? Both of these reasons are true. But the key probably also lay in the inability of Zhou... or any other CCP leader to come up with an alternative grand legitimacy narrative for the Chinese revolution and 'continuous revolution.'... In China's political development, this dynamic, combined with his unchecked political power and unchallengeable authority, made Mao invincible."
So why did Zhou put up with this treatment for the rest of his life? I think because he simply had no choice. He, and others, allowed Mao to obtain absolute power in the 1940s, and it grew steadily throughout the 1950s until he was completely untouchable. But Zhou was shrewd, and while many others such as Deng Xiaoping were purged over the years, Zhou never was. He was crafty and got good at anticipating what he thought Mao wanted or what direction Mao would take on a certain issue. And he also made himself invaluable by keeping the country afloat during the disastrous Great Leap Forward and then again a decade later with the Cultural Revolution (Mao launched this when he himself did not even seem to know what it was supposed to be about). Zhou carried out all of Mao's instructions, no matter how maddening they might be.
At the same time, Zhou was effectively representing China on the world stage. He attended conferences, met with everyone from Josef Stalin to Anthony Eden to Richard Nixon. He traveled extensively throughout Europe and Asia, and also went to Africa. He worked for many years to resolve a border dispute with India. Years before he first met Kissinger in 1971, he tried to open doors to some type of relationship with the United States. He successfully established formal diplomatic relations with many Western powers including France and Great Britain. He did have some mistakes of course, as anyone with a decades-long career would. Both he and Mao over-estimated China's ability to help North Korea win the Korean War, which had serious world repercussions for decades in the ensuing Cold War. Zhou foolishly rejected a three-party proposal that would have ended the war due to this over-estimation and also a misreading of U.S. intentions and resolve.
The chapter on the Nixon/Kissinger visit was pretty good. Jian does well at examining how Zhou laid the groundwork on his end for this historic meeting to occur. And while Mao certainly gave Zhou a lot of problems, it should also be noted that Mao and Zhou worked together on many things, with Mao frequently approving Zhou's directives and courses of action. I think Mao approved way more of Zhou's work than he disapproved of. And that was the case here as this visit could not have happened without Mao signing off on it. Oddly, once Jian gets to the point where Nixon actually arrives and meets Mao, he sort of rushes through that momentous meeting. Still, after having read Kissinger's version of it, and Nixon's, it is nice to see it from Zhou's perspective, as much as we can get.
Unfortunately, Zhou's great diplomatic successes resulted not only in positives for China in relation to trade, diplomacy, and overall stature, but also served to make Mao even more suspicious and jealous. Zhou, at 75, was subjected to another round of endless criticism and self-criticism in 1973. I had to wonder, and Jian did too early in the book: if young Zhou, when he first met Mao and could had the ability to stop him, could have looked into the future and saw all of the chaos, calamity, and personal hell that he would have to endure at Mao's hands, would he have still went down that same path?
A truly excellent biography about an enormously influential figure in world history. Jian treats Zhou with respect and admiration for some things while also condemning him for his being an all-too-frequent useful tool in implementing Mao's maniacal decisions. Highly recommended.
Grade: A
November 6, 2025
My reading of this biography was a little weird; I read the first half of the book over the course a several months, and then I read the last half over one week. That was I think, in large part because the second half was the more intriguing part for me. This is definitely an exhaustive biography of China's long-time premier during the Mao era. It does, I hope, bring more attention to the figure who does get unjustly overshadowed by Mao Zedong. What I can say is that Zhou's life is an incredible story, and his impact should be more known to people outside China. he first half is focused on Zhou's role as a figure in the CCP during China's civil war, before, during and after the Second World War. That section was difficult to get through for me, but the second half more than made up for it. I would say, however, that you need to be interested in Chinese history/politics and/or international relations to find this book interesting, especially since much of the second half of the book is focused on Zhou's career as a diplomat, and it is very detailed. Zhou did, as the author shows very well, affectively establish the People's Republic of China as having a place in the international arena through his initiation of diplomacy with the new China's neighbors and with western countries. The story of how he did it is certainly relevant to us today with the present tensions. Moreover, his role in China's domestic politics is also covered in great detail, which, while I found it less interesting, is relevant too. I would say this is recommend if you're interested in international relations; but if you're a student of Chinese history, especially of modern China, I would say that this is not a biography to miss - it's probably a must-read.
December 6, 2024
An incredible read - Zhou's history is China's history, and I'm deeply grateful for the effort Chen Jian put into researching and compiling all the anecdotes that brought to life the most consequential moments in China's recent history. It's almost incomprehensible for one man to have experienced everything Zhou lived through. Whereas other historical accounts of the party often focus on key events, this narration through Zhou's eyes allows for a deeper look into the personal relationships and experiences that defined modern China.
The book is a fascinating case study on agency and responsibility. While Zhou Enlai was an honorable, tactful, and wise diplomat and premier, he is also responsible for overseeing two of the most disastrous events in recent Chinese history: the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. While he was criticized before the Great Leap for "opposing rash advance" and also worked to shorten the Cultural Revolution, he still dutifully carried out Mao's instructions despite his better judgment. The author does a good job of contextualizing the dilemmas Zhou faced under Mao and how Zhou often worked to curb the worst consequences of Mao's strategic blunders, but I was disappointed by the lack of discussion at the end of the book on Zhou's legacy in China today. 4.5/5
The book is a fascinating case study on agency and responsibility. While Zhou Enlai was an honorable, tactful, and wise diplomat and premier, he is also responsible for overseeing two of the most disastrous events in recent Chinese history: the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. While he was criticized before the Great Leap for "opposing rash advance" and also worked to shorten the Cultural Revolution, he still dutifully carried out Mao's instructions despite his better judgment. The author does a good job of contextualizing the dilemmas Zhou faced under Mao and how Zhou often worked to curb the worst consequences of Mao's strategic blunders, but I was disappointed by the lack of discussion at the end of the book on Zhou's legacy in China today. 4.5/5
March 16, 2025
Incredible book that stands in comparison to Vogel’s biography of Deng Xiaoping (although it’s less verbose and easier to read).
For a while I have been looking for a good biography of the Chinese premier, who undoubtedly was one of the most important people in the 20th century at China (and therefore in the world).
There is so much to take away from this book — here are a key themes that stood out for me (apologies for any inaccuracies):
1. Mao
Mao is painted as a mercurial figure, standing above good and evil. Utterly cruel when it suited him but masterful at war and (its extension) politics. He was a true ideologue and more of a conqueror than a ruler — which is why there was a co-dependency / rivalry theme running through his whole history with Zhou
2. Zhou’s Abilities and Achievements
The book has countless anecdotes of Zhou being world class at negotiation and execution. What stood out to me was the principled stand the PRC took in international relations, even when it was a weak state torn by civil war. Mao famously claimed that ‘We, the Chinese, have stood up’ and eventually 3 decades later, the American president made his way to Beijing to establish official relations with the PRC. Zhou was an essential part of that story. The details about his negotiations with the Soviets were particularly interesting. Compared to how hard those negotiations were between (nominally) friendly socialist countries, one can imagine how happy Zhou was when Kissinger came bearing gifts to Beijing (indeed, the Americans practically opened up the conversations with what Zhou ultimately wanted to achieve re: Taiwan / One China)
3. Party Evolution and Dynamics
There are mountains of details that are very interesting re: the party but what stood out the most to me was what could have been. When the PRC was established, Zhou and Liu Shaoqi were working on drafting the constitution for the republic that would have made the PRC a parliamentary democracy. That is, until Mao stepped in and shut it down.
4. The Civil War
This is another topic that is covered in a lot of detail. Little by little, you get the sense of the magnitude of Mao’s foresight and strategic ability to turn around the war. It is interesting how at the end of the civil war, Chiang Kai-shek was pursuing an opposite strategy to that of the CCP. I was also very surprised by the anecdotes of Zhou pursuing conversations with the GMD (or through its intermediates) to bring Taiwan back into to the republic to be governed by GMD — or later on, how both sides almost collaborated to avoid the US driving a wedge between then and defend a two Chinas policy
5. Political Intrigue
Here is where Zhou’s legacy truly becomes questionable and his human suffering is made clear. It is particularly moving to read the attacks he suffered while hospitalized for the cancer that ultimately took his life when Jiang Qing set off her followers onto him during the “Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius” campaign. Beyond that, what clearly stands out is Mao’s ability to outmaneuver and master CCP politics against what certainly were very capable opponents
There is certainly much more to be said about this book but those were some key points that stood out to me. To close — I think there is a big psychological history here about how this great man was ultimately completely craven and at the behest of another leader, but I am not fully capable of drawing that out
For a while I have been looking for a good biography of the Chinese premier, who undoubtedly was one of the most important people in the 20th century at China (and therefore in the world).
There is so much to take away from this book — here are a key themes that stood out for me (apologies for any inaccuracies):
1. Mao
Mao is painted as a mercurial figure, standing above good and evil. Utterly cruel when it suited him but masterful at war and (its extension) politics. He was a true ideologue and more of a conqueror than a ruler — which is why there was a co-dependency / rivalry theme running through his whole history with Zhou
2. Zhou’s Abilities and Achievements
The book has countless anecdotes of Zhou being world class at negotiation and execution. What stood out to me was the principled stand the PRC took in international relations, even when it was a weak state torn by civil war. Mao famously claimed that ‘We, the Chinese, have stood up’ and eventually 3 decades later, the American president made his way to Beijing to establish official relations with the PRC. Zhou was an essential part of that story. The details about his negotiations with the Soviets were particularly interesting. Compared to how hard those negotiations were between (nominally) friendly socialist countries, one can imagine how happy Zhou was when Kissinger came bearing gifts to Beijing (indeed, the Americans practically opened up the conversations with what Zhou ultimately wanted to achieve re: Taiwan / One China)
3. Party Evolution and Dynamics
There are mountains of details that are very interesting re: the party but what stood out the most to me was what could have been. When the PRC was established, Zhou and Liu Shaoqi were working on drafting the constitution for the republic that would have made the PRC a parliamentary democracy. That is, until Mao stepped in and shut it down.
4. The Civil War
This is another topic that is covered in a lot of detail. Little by little, you get the sense of the magnitude of Mao’s foresight and strategic ability to turn around the war. It is interesting how at the end of the civil war, Chiang Kai-shek was pursuing an opposite strategy to that of the CCP. I was also very surprised by the anecdotes of Zhou pursuing conversations with the GMD (or through its intermediates) to bring Taiwan back into to the republic to be governed by GMD — or later on, how both sides almost collaborated to avoid the US driving a wedge between then and defend a two Chinas policy
5. Political Intrigue
Here is where Zhou’s legacy truly becomes questionable and his human suffering is made clear. It is particularly moving to read the attacks he suffered while hospitalized for the cancer that ultimately took his life when Jiang Qing set off her followers onto him during the “Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius” campaign. Beyond that, what clearly stands out is Mao’s ability to outmaneuver and master CCP politics against what certainly were very capable opponents
There is certainly much more to be said about this book but those were some key points that stood out to me. To close — I think there is a big psychological history here about how this great man was ultimately completely craven and at the behest of another leader, but I am not fully capable of drawing that out
June 28, 2024
At the outset, the author stated that explaining Zhou is complicated. Apparently, Zhou was extremely intelligent, possessed good judgment, and communicated effectively. But, in order to protect his position and maybe his life, Zhou went along with all of Mao’s dastardly deeds. The book establishes that China’s current gangster approach clearly grows out of Mao’s thoughts and deeds.
An interesting contemporary point: in 1968, China strongly criticized Russia’s invasion of Czechoslovakia…while today China enables Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. P 587.
An interesting contemporary point: in 1968, China strongly criticized Russia’s invasion of Czechoslovakia…while today China enables Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. P 587.
January 2, 2025
Feels like a pretty necessary piece of history for the modern puzzle but damn the writing in this was extremely dry and awkward in parts. It’s also decidedly not a “peoples’ history” in that it pretty much solely focuses on the clashes between *personalities* of important figures and barely elaborates on why different factions split off and argued and such and such. Very little actual explanation of effects on citizens and actual ideological differences that led to mao calling someone a “rightist” or “capitalist roader” or whatever. Also, one moment at end of chapter 27 actually killed me. Don’t wanna spoil it but how was this even recorded? Hahah Zhou gave Mao the ick.
All that being said, this book gave me way more context on pretty much every issue than I previously had, Tibet, Taiwan, Xinjiang, USSR, civil war, Great Leap Forward, cultural revolution, Korea, Vietnam. That was great
Deng Xiaoping post credits scene makes me want to read some further history
All that being said, this book gave me way more context on pretty much every issue than I previously had, Tibet, Taiwan, Xinjiang, USSR, civil war, Great Leap Forward, cultural revolution, Korea, Vietnam. That was great
Deng Xiaoping post credits scene makes me want to read some further history
June 15, 2024
"When I shook hands with Zhou Enlai on this bare field outside Peking, just now, the world was listening"
February 4, 2025
A truly magisterial examination of one of the defining (if little-known in the West) political figures of the 20th Century. Insightful, balanced, and incredibly well-researched.
March 30, 2025
This is an excellent political biography of the high politics that Zhou Enlai was ensnared in almost out of nowhere. In his early life we learn he failed in his years in Japan and yet less than a decade later he’s a prominent figure in the CCP. But I do feel that the author could have explained more of the context, that maybe as a western reader who has a fair knowledge of modern Chinese history but by no means an expert. For example, it seems based on the account presented that Zhou had a rapid rise within the small leadership of the CCP but yet even in those early days they had tens of thousands of men in arms. How? Why? Similarly I was most disappointed when there wasn’t a larger discussion of the developments during WWII. It felt it was 7 years of solely Zhou debating with Mao and others on a united front strategy, that’s where the book felt at its weakest. Similarly, during the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, the wider developments were only briefly mentioned. For example, no discussion of what happened to the Red Guards after 1969 after the revolutionary tumult had mostly subsided. The author doesn’t dwell much on Zhou’s personal life but through his political actions and conflict with Mao we learn a great of the premier’s value and ambitions. A man who tried to ensure stability and growth for a revolutionary China while balancing staying in Mao’s good graces. As the author pointed out near the end that there was a contradiction in that while Mao’s political power was unmatched, Zhou had made himself essential for the administration of the country. That is why while I have some criticism this is a must read biography for anyone interested in modern Chinese history.
May 19, 2025
5 stars. My assessment is that this is: magistral. Chen Jian’s new biography of communist revolutionary and PRC Premier Zhou Enlai will likely become the definitive account of Zhou’s life. It took Professor Chen something like 20 years and who knows how many interviews to put this together, it shows. Despite its length (about 700 pages, not counting the end notes), the narrative moves along at a good clip, Chen has a good sense of when to get deep into the weeds and when to zoom out and put things into broader historical context.
Henry Kissinger said that Zhou Enlai was one of the two or three most impressive men he had ever met. It’s easy to see why. Spy master, uber diplomat, military tactician, journalist, Premier, communist revolutionary – the story of Zhou Enlai is truly the story of revolution in Asia and the early history of the PRC.
One real strength of this biography is Chen’s ability to link foreign affairs and domestic policy in the PRC – and to then locate Zhou at those intersections. Examples include: linking the Second Taiwan Strait Crisis with the Great Leap Forward, or putting Mao’s dismissal of the USSR’s overtures in 1965 during the Sino-Soviet Split in the context of the Socialist Education Movement (a precursor to the Cultural Revolution). All of this helps to tell some familiar stories in novel ways, and to really paint a nuanced picture of the context Zhou was operating in.
On the issue of revisionism, one interesting point Chen makes is that it was actually Zhou, more so than Mao, who emerged triumphant from the Zunyi Conference. This will either sound hopelessly wonky or quite thought-provoking, depending on your knowledge of the subject matter.
But what of the man himself? To be sure, this is a sympathetic account of Zhou’s life, though also a nuanced one which departs from the hagiographies on Zhou. In the introduction, Chen writes: “What kind of person was Zhou Enlai? Why did he, along with so many of his contemporaries, embark on the path to revolution? How should his life and career be evaluated? … These are the questions I explore in this biography.” Chen dedicates a fair amount of energy to answering the question “Why revolution?” – but as for the other questions he raises, Chen largely abdicates his role as a judge, he simply presents his narrative, and on a few occasions calls strikes and fouls. This would be the closest thing I have to a criticism: the unwillingness to just offer an assessment. In the final analysis, what kind of man was he? How should history judge him? Perhaps wisely, Chen leaves it to the reader to make these assessments. Still though, it seems to me a strange omission that after 20 years of work and 700 pages of narrative Chen didn’t permit himself a paragraph or two at the end to just tell us what he thinks.
Chen does, however, hint at some interesting points of Zhou’s life. For example, was Zhou gay? The jury appears to still be out on that one, but Chen treats the issue fairly (if a little dourly). What about Zhou’s relationship with Mao? Chen uses the phrases “nuanced” and “subtle” about five thousand times to describe the Zhou-Mao dynamic. Even after reading this biography, it still remains genuinely vexing what Zhou thought of Mao and how they could have worked together for half a century the way they did.
The critique – voiced by some of Zhou’s contemporaries in the early 1930’s – that Zhou was overly fixated on the minutia of revolutionary work at the expense of big picture strategic issues seems apt – even if Chen dismisses it (somewhat unconvincingly). It seems like Zhou was always a get-things-done, make-it-work kind of guy with no interest in the top job.
Ultimately, the picture of Zhou that emerges is one of a dedicated revolutionary, a detail-oriented workaholic, a cunning spy master, a master of diplomacy, an adroit practitioner of inter-Party intrigue and a compassionate man – but ultimately one who would sacrifice friends, family, and ultimately himself to the revolution. In that sense, despite his many accomplishments, it’s hard to escape feeling like Zhou was a tragic figure, consumed by the revolution he helped midwife.
Henry Kissinger said that Zhou Enlai was one of the two or three most impressive men he had ever met. It’s easy to see why. Spy master, uber diplomat, military tactician, journalist, Premier, communist revolutionary – the story of Zhou Enlai is truly the story of revolution in Asia and the early history of the PRC.
One real strength of this biography is Chen’s ability to link foreign affairs and domestic policy in the PRC – and to then locate Zhou at those intersections. Examples include: linking the Second Taiwan Strait Crisis with the Great Leap Forward, or putting Mao’s dismissal of the USSR’s overtures in 1965 during the Sino-Soviet Split in the context of the Socialist Education Movement (a precursor to the Cultural Revolution). All of this helps to tell some familiar stories in novel ways, and to really paint a nuanced picture of the context Zhou was operating in.
On the issue of revisionism, one interesting point Chen makes is that it was actually Zhou, more so than Mao, who emerged triumphant from the Zunyi Conference. This will either sound hopelessly wonky or quite thought-provoking, depending on your knowledge of the subject matter.
But what of the man himself? To be sure, this is a sympathetic account of Zhou’s life, though also a nuanced one which departs from the hagiographies on Zhou. In the introduction, Chen writes: “What kind of person was Zhou Enlai? Why did he, along with so many of his contemporaries, embark on the path to revolution? How should his life and career be evaluated? … These are the questions I explore in this biography.” Chen dedicates a fair amount of energy to answering the question “Why revolution?” – but as for the other questions he raises, Chen largely abdicates his role as a judge, he simply presents his narrative, and on a few occasions calls strikes and fouls. This would be the closest thing I have to a criticism: the unwillingness to just offer an assessment. In the final analysis, what kind of man was he? How should history judge him? Perhaps wisely, Chen leaves it to the reader to make these assessments. Still though, it seems to me a strange omission that after 20 years of work and 700 pages of narrative Chen didn’t permit himself a paragraph or two at the end to just tell us what he thinks.
Chen does, however, hint at some interesting points of Zhou’s life. For example, was Zhou gay? The jury appears to still be out on that one, but Chen treats the issue fairly (if a little dourly). What about Zhou’s relationship with Mao? Chen uses the phrases “nuanced” and “subtle” about five thousand times to describe the Zhou-Mao dynamic. Even after reading this biography, it still remains genuinely vexing what Zhou thought of Mao and how they could have worked together for half a century the way they did.
The critique – voiced by some of Zhou’s contemporaries in the early 1930’s – that Zhou was overly fixated on the minutia of revolutionary work at the expense of big picture strategic issues seems apt – even if Chen dismisses it (somewhat unconvincingly). It seems like Zhou was always a get-things-done, make-it-work kind of guy with no interest in the top job.
Ultimately, the picture of Zhou that emerges is one of a dedicated revolutionary, a detail-oriented workaholic, a cunning spy master, a master of diplomacy, an adroit practitioner of inter-Party intrigue and a compassionate man – but ultimately one who would sacrifice friends, family, and ultimately himself to the revolution. In that sense, despite his many accomplishments, it’s hard to escape feeling like Zhou was a tragic figure, consumed by the revolution he helped midwife.
October 31, 2025
As China is now a main contender to be the world’s new superpower, I felt compelled to read-up on its history and the key personalities involved in the making of modern China.
Zhou Enlai in his young years travelled extensively – to Japan, France, where he became a communist party member, and the Soviet Union. By contrast, Mao had no foreign travel experience until he became China’s leader. This international experience not only gave Zhou Enlai an essential role as China’s leader in foreign affairs, but likely saved his life. He became indispensable for his knowledge of foreign affairs, along with the personal connections he made. Zhou Enlai never became a fatality of the frequent purges in Mao’s entourage.
At over 800 pages, this is a door-stopper of a book. There is constant name-dropping on almost every page, which became mind-numbing. However, Chinese history is so rife with conflict that the huge tide of events grab hold of you. There is the struggle of the communists versus the Nationalists, led by Chiang Kai-shek. Then the Japanese invasion of China in the 1930s, which both Mao and Chiang Kai-shek did little to resist, being far more obsessed to eliminate each other in their civil war.
The Korean War asserted China’s position on the world stage went it sent its own troops to help North Korea, fearing an invasion from the U.N. forces led primarily by the U.S.
The Chinese communists were beholden to the Soviet Union and Stalin for aid and had to follow their advice on communist doctrine assiduously. When Mao took power in China in 1949, and Chiang Kai-shek fled to Taiwan, this dependency on the Soviet Union continued until Khrushchev took power and relations between the two countries became contentious, with China claiming that the Soviet Union was no longer adhering to the doctrines of Marxism-Leninism.
The author gives us a staggering view of the worship that Mao required of those surrounding him. Many, including Zhou Enlai, had to do public self-criticism sessions on many occasions, sometimes bringing up events that had occurred decades before. Mao was not one to forgive and forget a perceived transgression. Mao was revered as a supreme being and could do no wrong. This obsequiousness by Zhou Enlai was alarming and psychologically masochistic. Here is one example he wrote in a letter to Mao a few months before he died in 1976 (page 683, my book)
Since the Zunyi Conference, forty years have passed. Despite the chairman’s [Mao] endless teaching, I have still repeatedly made mistakes or even committed crimes. About all this, I feel tremendous shame and regret. Now, in my illness, I have repeatedly recalled those mistakes.
This book mentions the “Great Leap Forward” in which the economy was restructured at the cost of millions dying of starvation and “The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution” where society was upended and chaos reigned supreme, and once more millions were incarcerated or died of crimes against communist doctrine. The author provides little data on how ordinary Chinese were affected by these upheavals.
One reason that Zhou Enlai survived was that he never aspired, like some of his comrades, to be in the number one position and replace Mao. Mao saw threats everywhere, and Zhou Enlai over the years became expert at decoding the real meaning behind many of Mao’s pronouncements. Even so, whenever his prestige rose, Mao would slap him down with the inevitable self-criticism sessions.
One of Zhou Enlai’s major accomplishments was the détente accomplished by the Nixon and Kissinger visits to China in 1972. Zhou Enlai was always avid about opening up the gates of China to the wider world that he had seen so much of. This was the commencement of the road to China becoming a major player on the world stage.
I want to thank my GR friend Aaron for bringing this significant book to my attention.
Zhou Enlai in his young years travelled extensively – to Japan, France, where he became a communist party member, and the Soviet Union. By contrast, Mao had no foreign travel experience until he became China’s leader. This international experience not only gave Zhou Enlai an essential role as China’s leader in foreign affairs, but likely saved his life. He became indispensable for his knowledge of foreign affairs, along with the personal connections he made. Zhou Enlai never became a fatality of the frequent purges in Mao’s entourage.
At over 800 pages, this is a door-stopper of a book. There is constant name-dropping on almost every page, which became mind-numbing. However, Chinese history is so rife with conflict that the huge tide of events grab hold of you. There is the struggle of the communists versus the Nationalists, led by Chiang Kai-shek. Then the Japanese invasion of China in the 1930s, which both Mao and Chiang Kai-shek did little to resist, being far more obsessed to eliminate each other in their civil war.
The Korean War asserted China’s position on the world stage went it sent its own troops to help North Korea, fearing an invasion from the U.N. forces led primarily by the U.S.
The Chinese communists were beholden to the Soviet Union and Stalin for aid and had to follow their advice on communist doctrine assiduously. When Mao took power in China in 1949, and Chiang Kai-shek fled to Taiwan, this dependency on the Soviet Union continued until Khrushchev took power and relations between the two countries became contentious, with China claiming that the Soviet Union was no longer adhering to the doctrines of Marxism-Leninism.
The author gives us a staggering view of the worship that Mao required of those surrounding him. Many, including Zhou Enlai, had to do public self-criticism sessions on many occasions, sometimes bringing up events that had occurred decades before. Mao was not one to forgive and forget a perceived transgression. Mao was revered as a supreme being and could do no wrong. This obsequiousness by Zhou Enlai was alarming and psychologically masochistic. Here is one example he wrote in a letter to Mao a few months before he died in 1976 (page 683, my book)
Since the Zunyi Conference, forty years have passed. Despite the chairman’s [Mao] endless teaching, I have still repeatedly made mistakes or even committed crimes. About all this, I feel tremendous shame and regret. Now, in my illness, I have repeatedly recalled those mistakes.
This book mentions the “Great Leap Forward” in which the economy was restructured at the cost of millions dying of starvation and “The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution” where society was upended and chaos reigned supreme, and once more millions were incarcerated or died of crimes against communist doctrine. The author provides little data on how ordinary Chinese were affected by these upheavals.
One reason that Zhou Enlai survived was that he never aspired, like some of his comrades, to be in the number one position and replace Mao. Mao saw threats everywhere, and Zhou Enlai over the years became expert at decoding the real meaning behind many of Mao’s pronouncements. Even so, whenever his prestige rose, Mao would slap him down with the inevitable self-criticism sessions.
One of Zhou Enlai’s major accomplishments was the détente accomplished by the Nixon and Kissinger visits to China in 1972. Zhou Enlai was always avid about opening up the gates of China to the wider world that he had seen so much of. This was the commencement of the road to China becoming a major player on the world stage.
I want to thank my GR friend Aaron for bringing this significant book to my attention.
July 6, 2025
Very thankful to have read such a nuanced take on arguably one of the most important political figures of the 20th century. When we think of Communist China, we almost always think of Mao. Yet Chen Jian gives us a portrait of the man who really kept the ship afloat.
I really appreciated the author's ability to not sugarcoat Zhou's actions, but also his ability to not mindless condemn a man who faced such dire and complicated situations. You can admire Zhou's resolve and intelligence without minimizing the horrors he was complicit in (and often responsible for).
The book is a little bit long-winded in some parts, but overall I was happy with it. The only thing I wish it covered was Zhou's funeral, but the book ends the day he dies, aside from a short paragraph about the fate of his wife. Oh well. I think this book pairs well with Pantsov and Levine's book on Deng Xiaoping. It is hard to imagine properly understanding Zhou's importance if you don't understand the way in which Deng arguably carried his torch forward.
Overall, communist history never disappoints. The scale of tragedy is immense, but, besides that, it obviously tortured Zhou personally in more ways than one. It is much to think about, and these are just my thoughts immediately after finishing the book. Perhaps one day I will organize my thoughts and reflect more deeply (and with much more coherent organization) on what all I've read means. For now, back to fiction I think.
I really appreciated the author's ability to not sugarcoat Zhou's actions, but also his ability to not mindless condemn a man who faced such dire and complicated situations. You can admire Zhou's resolve and intelligence without minimizing the horrors he was complicit in (and often responsible for).
The book is a little bit long-winded in some parts, but overall I was happy with it. The only thing I wish it covered was Zhou's funeral, but the book ends the day he dies, aside from a short paragraph about the fate of his wife. Oh well. I think this book pairs well with Pantsov and Levine's book on Deng Xiaoping. It is hard to imagine properly understanding Zhou's importance if you don't understand the way in which Deng arguably carried his torch forward.
Overall, communist history never disappoints. The scale of tragedy is immense, but, besides that, it obviously tortured Zhou personally in more ways than one. It is much to think about, and these are just my thoughts immediately after finishing the book. Perhaps one day I will organize my thoughts and reflect more deeply (and with much more coherent organization) on what all I've read means. For now, back to fiction I think.
December 22, 2024
This is an outstanding book. Anyone interested in China's history and development should read this book. It is thoroughly researched, filled with historical details, and written in clear and engaging language, making it a true page-turner. I believe many of the historical facts were first published in English. I was very impressed with some of the details including recordings of the CCP leaders' conversations. The chapters about Lin Bao and the China-US détente were fascinating. This book is a serious examination of history while also intellectually entertaining.
August 19, 2024
Contained a unique emotional zeitgeist that was extremely captivating vis-a-vis Oppenheimer, less the explicatory denouement that viewers were rewarded with in the film. Jian's excellent balance of fierce, emotionally-charged bursts of dialogue with the potrayal of the sharp facts formed a cohesive narrative on a highly interesting era of Chinese politics.
May 16, 2024
Detailed, balanced, compassionate biography about a man who contributed tremendously to the making of modern China. Highly recommend if you are interested in the communist revolution, the first thirty years history of PRC, or China in general.
January 7, 2025
A bit dry, but certainly exhaustive
February 27, 2025
i was expecting more analysis.
August 31, 2025
A comprehensive biography, covering the major and minor episodes handled.
November 25, 2025
history of china and the chinese communist party from the twenties to the mid seventies. If this is your field this is a must read
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