In which Charlie Brown keeps trying to kick that football, and Lucy very occasionally doesn't pull it away. And then...I don't even know what to do with that metaphor once Trump comes on the scene. Turns out he corrupted groups like the Log Cabin Republicans as well as everything and everyone else who let him poison their souls, traducing that group's semi-honorable history of attempting to justify an at least decent-in-intent defense of gay rights from a perspective based more in libertarianism (we ask for the right to be left alone) than civil-rights defense of minoritized groups--though also one that could and did justify gun rights, tax cuts (a smaller government will leave us alone!), ignore any common vision (no reason to see, say, abortion or later, trans rights as an LGBTQ issue, much less questions of race), and in general reflect the generally white, male, upper-middle-class membership of these groups, so let's not get too enthusiastic. That said, Young notes that, as of 2020, they'd joined all the hard-right gay provocateurs (Milo I knew about; no clue how many like him there were) in glorying in triggering the libs and making sure the acronym really included just "LG" rather than "LGBTQ+."
Before then, there are at least sporadic moments when you see their point: the Democrats' playing to gay voters but then turning their backs, in 1972 and 1992 in particular, and the short periods when you had fast-dying-out liberal Republicans like George Deukmejian or Christine Todd Whitman (or John McCain, who comes across quite well) who actually stood up for gay rights and provided a real alternative, does support the idea that having a voice in both parties made all kinds of sense politically, since it incentivized Democrats not to take the gay vote for granted. (That said, he points out that these people frequently gave their own side the benefit of the doubt--oh, the Republican platform was anti-gay, but Reagan didn't exactly live up to all of it? Great! He's on our side!--while attacking Democrats despite their being generally a whole lot better on these questions and not, you know, platforming hard-right religious nuts.)
This could read as dry, but Young moves things along energetically, with the occasional drolly waspish aside breaking a tone of sober analysis that gives gay Republicans every opportunity to justify their ideas. (My favorite, about rising right-wing nut Bob Bauman, eventually undone by a long-term pattern of patronizing underage sex workers in shady neighborhoods as he was rising to national power while espousing hard-right policies: "Bauman railed against what he called 'Democrats in drag'--perhaps an unwise reference given his own secret activities.") I was going to compare gay Republicans to American Communists, in that there should have been a series of moments driving out everyone but the truest believers (show trials, 1939, 1956 for Communists; the AIDS crisis, the 1992 Republican convention, the 1996 Republican platform, open Republican homophobia in the anti-gay marriage crusade of the early 2000s for Republicans), but that's not what we see.
In addition to those moments when components of the Republican party--fewer and weaker as the story continues, to be sure, until they're essentially extinguished--did support pro-gay, or at least anti-discriminatory, legislation and policies, there's just that endless accommodation, that repeated, and increasingly unjustifiable, sense that you needed a voice in both camps in order to push the Democrats left and moderate the Republicans, even as the latter sprinted headfirst over cliff after cliff. And so here we are today, with gay Republicans gleefully joining nutso "groomer" conspiracism against trans people without recognizing, or admitting, that its essential logic could, and has been, turned against them in the past. "History...has shown," he concludes with characteristic understatement, "that gay Republicans might need to prepare themselves for other possibilities."