For a long time while I was listening to this book I thought that it might be the best book I'd ever encountered about the American political system. As explained in the introduction, the authors set out to tell the story of how corporations captured the US government. In prior eras, political control went back and forth, with corporate interests prevailing for a while before more labor and people-friendly policies came to dominance. Since the 1970s, all of that has changed. For all of that time, no matter which party controlled the various branches of government, the interests of corporations have reigned supreme. This era of corporate dominance can be traced directly back to the famous Lewis Powell memorandum to the US Chamber of Commerce of 1971, in which he advocated that corporations use their economic power to exert influence in politics, in order to stop what he termed an attack on the US free enterprise system. Who were the attackers? Those pesky consumer advocates and other do-gooders, whose influence spurred Congress to pass legislation to protect the public from ills like air and water pollution and unsafe products. The legislation also permitted governmental agencies to enact regulations which limited the power of corporations to harm the public.
As the authors explain, the change came about because of money. Corporate money, used in various ways, has greatly influenced politics so that corporate wish lists become government policy. During this time, the middle class has been hollowed out and the US has levels of income inequality that haven't been seen since the 1920s.
For the first two thirds of this book, the authors explain how lobbyists (mostly called "influence peddlers" in the book) made themselves into the tools that corporations could use to influence politicians. We see all of the various methods used, from "educating" politicians on issues, to raising money for them, to holding fundraisers for them, to directing advertising at the politicians' constituents in order to exert voter pressure on the politicians. It's all a quite ingenious method of using the money of entities that can't even vote, corporations, to influence the choices of officeholders allegedly answerable to voters, but, in reality, much more responsive to political donors.
As the authors explain, there have been various attempts over the years to rein in the lobbying industry in order to achieve "reform." None of it has worked because all of the legislation passed conveniently contains loopholes that allow business to go on as usual, albeit with slight modifications. Because, after all, nobody really wants to upset a system that pumps cash into campaigns and enriches lobbyists far beyond the dreams of ordinary voters who could never gain the type of access to "their" representatives that lobbyists have.
The story is told principally through three lobbying firms, all with some political juice, one run by Tommy Boggs, son of former representative Hale Boggs, Democrat of Louisiana, a second that included Roger Stone and Paul Manafort, and a third run by Anthony Podesta, brother of Clinton insider John Podesta. The choice of two lobbying firms associated with Democrats and only one associated with Republicans seemed odd to me because the Republicans have long been the party of big business, but perhaps the authors meant to show, and do show, that when it comes to corporate money, everyone wants in. And there are other reasons, which I will get into below.
I found the first two thirds of the book to be well done, and thoroughly absorbing. There's a lot of insider detail, which shows that the authors did a lot of research. So why my lukewarm rating of three stars?
I was all in on a five star rating until I got to the third section of the book. In that section, the book goes completely off the rails and I began to question the credibility of what I was hearing. In this section, the authors change their focus from governmental control by corporations, accomplished through the use of lobbyists, to the story of the lobbying firms themselves. The lobbying of government takes a back seat to lurid tales of criminality, marriage and divorce, and a suicide. It then became apparent to me that the three firms were chosen as the focus of the narrative not because of their degree of dominance in the lobbying world, but because all had spectacular flameouts of one sort or another. The story went from insider politics to scandal sheet drama. The authors began to treat lobbyists, who are principally tools of corporate masters, into the principal actors in the drama. It was an unfortunate transition, and it really damaged the book.
The credibility issues cropped up during the discussion of the presidency of Donald Trump. From the book, one would think that lobbying died during the Trump presidency. The authors did not discuss even a single instance of lobbying during Trump's administration. They assert that Trump was "anti-business" and that his presidency ushered in an era of bipartisan, anti-business fervor that was very bad for the world of lobbying. Those who examined Trump's actions rather than his rhetoric and saw the big tax cuts for the rich and corporations, the dismantling of regulations, the coddling of fossil fuel interests and the destruction of natural treasures to suit the interests of corporate exploitation would be very surprised to learn that Trump was anti-business. But at least we have now found two people, perhaps the only two people outside of the MAGA personality cult, who actually believe that Trump is sincere when he rails against elites. In fact, Trump did not end lobbying. OpenSecrets, the non-profit lobbying watchdog group, reported that both the number of registered lobbyists and the amount of money spent on them increased during Trump's presidency. The Associated Press reported that Trump put more former lobbyists in Cabinet-level positions in three years than his two immediate predecessors did in eight years. There was more lobbying on regulatory issues than ever before when Trump was president. All that changed were the identities of the successful firms. Those with direct ties to Trump thrived. Those, like Podesta, who were chummy with the Clintons and other Democrats, didn't do so well.
I was baffled at the framing of Trump as an anti-business populist hero. The representation that Trump was anti-business and ended lobbying as we knew it comes across as a deliberate distortion. Why would the authors do that? But then I remembered that the principal author (who made himself one of the heroes of the book's third section by recounting his investigation of matters already covered in earlier sections of the book) worked for Rupert Murdoch's Wall Street Journal, a notable conservative news source. And, of course, Murdoch's Fox News is a non-stop cheerleader for Trump. It's that connection that made me realize why Democratic lobbyists were so prominently featured as corrupt lobbyists. Can't let all of the blame fall on Republicans. As with all reporting in this era of journalists as advocates, consider the source of the information and the motivation of the writer(s).
An odd omission for most of the book was the role of the courts, which have dismantled legislation limiting campaign donations in the name of free speech. Wasn't that a huge factor in handing control of politics to corporate money? I kept thinking, "When do we get to Citizens United?" They finally got there, right at the end of the book, making the surprising assertion that Citizens United actually reduced the influence of corporate money, though it did give a lot more say to individual billionaires, who also happen to be business owners. The argument didn't make any sense to me, especially given the role of dark money in politics. It is a notable failure.
So I gave five stars for the first two thirds of the book, one star (or zero) for the last third. This is still worth reading because it will give the reader a much better understanding of the mess that is politics in the 21st century. It's all about the money. Corporations and the rich have lots of it so their concerns are always heard in Washington. Ordinary citizens don't have the money to hire K Street firms so they get the short end of the stick. Unless there is a real attempt to get the money out of politics, that will never change.