The year 2014 was a consequential one for the Bharatiya Janata Party and for India. Will 2024 also be so?
Is this election about stopping the rise of Narendra Modi and his alleged distortion of the ‘idea of India’ as conceived by its founders, or the beginning of a dharma-inspired ‘second republic?’
In 2014, the BJP, under the leadership of Modi, won a clear majority in the Lok Sabha elections. The National Democratic Alliance’s triumph ended a nearly two-and-a-half-decade run of mostly messy coalition governments. In 2019, the BJP further improved its tally, cementing its parliamentary majority and its ability to ring in transformational laws and policies. Most of the initiatives taken by the Modi-led NDA have been aimed at positioning Bharat as a ‘Vishwa Guru’―an exemplar of moral righteousness, a pluralistic democracy led by dharma and drawing sustenance from the wellspring of an eternal Hindu universalism.
But this shift towards India’s Hindu ethos has prompted the Opposition and many allied commentators to fear the rise of a second republic―a ‘Hindu Rashtra’―moored to an implacable ultra-nationalist and majoritarian dogma. The INDIA bloc has declared the 2024 election as the last opportunity to stop the rise of Modi and his idea of India.
Evocative, anecdotal, argumentative and deeply researched, Modi and India: 2024 and the Battle for Bharat chronicles the emergence of, and the battle for, a new republic in the making.
Modi & India is a book that consolidates the voter base of Modi- it establishes him as the new face of the centre, he new Nehru, the zeitgeist.
The book talks of the current political climate from several perspectives. Citing voices from across the board, the book makes less of a "fresh" case in point, and more of a consolidation effort of varying garam and naram voices.
While the book rightly calls out selective secularism, it seems to normalise, for example, Udhayanidhi Stalin's hate speech as "anti-Brahminical" rhetoric similar to the "anti-priest" movement in Britain. This parallel does not hold true as the priests were not a racial or "jati" class along with a profession class, in Europe (which negates any parallels, rather opens the conversation to reform in the system by divorcing Varna from Jati or other means). It also likens the idea of a "Dharmic nation" to that of a "Hindu Britain" as opposed to a "Hindu Pakistan" or "Hindu Bangladesh". The concept is flawed, and western societies on the British model are failing.
Even though the book pays lip service to scriptures and how our ideals of nationhood should derive from it, it still wants the scripture to be subservient to the constitution. Not to re-imagine the constitution with an Indic lens; re-imagining secularism and inclusivity as a latent effect of this root problem being solved. Hence, our scriptures, by virtue of being subjected to the constitution, are subjected to Anglo values themselves by extension.
While the ideals of decoloniality, the verification with our historical ways of "dealing with things", and the making of a new Bharat is going to be consolidated with Modi 24, how far they want to go is up for debate.
This further shows that there are "two BJPs" within BJP - naram dal vs garam dal, Savarkar vs Gowalkar, Nehru vs Patel, Ambedkar vs Shraddhanand, etc.
The book is probably the only other quintessential "naram dal" book besides "A New Idea of India", the more neo-progressive and anti-revolutionary wing of the Hindutva movement. Must read.
8/10
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This is a sharp, meticulously constructed narrative that goes well beyond election reportage. Although the book frames itself around the 2024 Lok Sabha Elections, its depth of research, political insight and contextual chronology makes it feel like a work that will remain relevant long after the headlines have faded. The authors have documented events, policies and ideological shifts with such clarity and factual grounding that the book reads less like a moment-a specific analysis and more like a political history unfolding in real time — which is why it feels almost timeless.
A core theme that stands out is the contrast between the governance approach of post-1947 India—particularly under the Political dynasty's rule of Indian National Congress—and the transformative shift that began from 2014 onwards under the Nationalist BJP regime and Narendra Modi’s leadership. The authors delve into how early political frameworks, narratives and national identity rendering may have been structured incorrectly or incompletely, and how the modern era is attempting to redefine India’s civilizational confidence on the global stage. The portrayal of India gradually emerging again as a potential 'Vishwaguru' is powerful and thought-provoking, backed by data, speeches, ground realities and geopolitical context.
If anything, the title—while compelling—feels slightly limiting given the scale of historical and ideological evolution presented. A more fitting title could have been: “The Making of India — and Then Modi.” This better captures how the book first reflects on the shaping (or correctly saying 'mis-shaping') of post-independence India, before transitioning into how Modi’s era positioned itself as a corrective and assertive national direction.
Even when presenting strong ideological contrasts, the authors maintain a journalistic balance that allows the reader to form their own conclusions—making the narrative thoughtful and respectful. Engaging, bold, well-referenced and rich in insights, this book is not just about politics—it is about identity, memory, governance and the evolving spirit of a nation.
A must-read for anyone seeking to understand India not just as it is, but as it is becoming and it should be considering the long history of rich civilizational values which can't be limited to be expressing just from last 76 years but transcendent for more than evident 8000 years.
Those who tune in to the English-language news channels regularly are familiar with the name of Rahul Shivshankar.
The dust jacket of the book has described him as "a progressive-conservative TV and print journalist".
Progressive-conservative?
If there is a touch of oxymoron in the description, our narrative-induced cultural sensitivity may have something to do with that!
Because, in Modi and India: 2024 and the Battle for Bharat, Rahul and Siddhartha have admirably put the last ten years in historical perspective.
They see their work as a "rebuttal to the sustained denigrating of the Hindu ethos in political discourse. By picking on examples both at home and away, it also rebuts the calumny that India cannot be secular if it leverages its civilizational ethos to define its constitutional and governance priorities."
That's an argument Rahul and Siddhartha have driven home with with admirable élan.
That the 230-page text is supplemented by 124-page "Notes" is a testimony to the authors' research and scholarship.
Though no formal bibliography has been provided, from the "Notes," I have curated a list of two dozen books that I would like to read in future. Of course, time left will not permit me to read all of them. But the very fact that seven decades after we took charge of our own affairs - however clumsily - such sharp minds like, say, Vikram Sampath or Meenakshi Jain, J Sai Deepak or R Jagannathan, Ram Madhav or Sanjeev Sanyal are asking hitherto unasked questions points to a fast-changing intellectual landscape of the country.
Rahul and Siddhartha are welcome additions to that list.
Insightful book, ‘Modi And India: 2024 and the Battle for Bharat’, by seasoned political journalist Rahul Shivshankar & Siddhartha Talya, unravels the complexities of this electoral phenomenon. Drawing on their extensive experience in covering contemporary Indian politics, the authors provide a comprehensive analysis of the elections, intricate dynamics that exist between Modi & multifaceted politics in the social landscape of India. While every election holds significance, the 2024 polls carry exceptional weight as it tries to answer, “Is this the first defining feature of a Hindu Rashtra?” (Loc:637) drawing from “extensive research and interviews with critical stakeholders is a provocative and definitive rebuttal to the sustained denigration of the Hindu ethos in ongoing political discourse. By picking on examples both at home and away, it also rebuts the calumny that India cannot be secular if it leverages its civilizational ethos to define its constitutional and governance priorities.” (Loc:180) author has done a wonderful job of encapsulating the questions that common Indians have and try to address them. Author extensively analyzes Hindu Rastra and Hindutva according to Religion, Founders of Hindutva movement like Savarkar, Golwalkar and BJP. If secularism is the way forward then what is true secularism by juxtaposing India's trajectory with that of other nations boasting secular credentials, such as the USA, France, & UK. The authors deftly address concerns raised by critics/opposition, debunking the notion that India's embrace of its civilizational ethos necessarily undermines its secular ideals & could end up become “Hindu Pakistan”, if India goes the path of Bharath by showing how Hindu Bharath is different from that of Pakistan and Bangladesh. Thus raising the question in the minds of the reader “If the tenets of the faith itself discourage any lurch towards exclusivism, why are many so quick to link any historical inquiry into the past or its celebration to an exercise of othering others?” (Loc:889) ultimately Author proves a Hindu Raj, guided by dharma, cannot be anything but plural thus a battle for Bharat in the year 2024 would prove it yet again that India is a Dharmic Rastra. This book is divided into 10 chapters excluding the Introduction and Conclusion. Chapter 1 covers planning and execution of the abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A, delves into the legal aspects and controversies surrounding the abrogation, including the NDA’s pursuit of dismantling ‘the architecture of otherness’ that these Articles perpetuated. Chapter 2 rebuts claims by ‘left’ commentators that the consecration of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya marks a decisive shift towards India becoming an exclusivist Hindu republic. Chapter 3 examines the debate between historians on either side of the ideological spectrum about India’s civilizational past. Author tries to answer “why do ‘secularists’ go to such great lengths to stigmatize anyone concerned with the excavation of it? What is it that a section of the intelligentsia does not want us to unearth? Various attempts have been made to answer this question.” (Loc:1009-1010) Chapter 4 shows how a “notion of exceptionalism continues to have implications for Indian politics.” ( Loc:1454-1455) though explore the post-Independence approach to documenting Hindu-Muslim relations by histories who “reinterpreting history so as to de-hyphenate the Hindu from the Indian while simultaneously cherry-picking facts. For instance, downplaying bigotry associated with Muslim invaders” (Loc:1032-1033) Chapter 5 is a critique of the unequal secularism practiced in India: the control of Hindu temples by several state governments, the absence of a minority status for Hindus in states where they are a demographic minority, the preferential treatment given to Muslims in matters of personal law and the discrimination inherent in the Places of Worship Act, 1991. The authors dissect the debate around each of these issues and their relevance to 2024 and after. Chapter 6 dwells into the puranas like King Shibi commitment to Dharma and shows that “History has delivered a more or less unanimous verdict: Hindu Raj, guided by dharma, cannot be anything but plural.” (Loc:2318-2318) Chapter 7 explores the multiple interpretations of Dharma, including during the Constituent Assembly Debates. The authors also examine the ‘adharma’ of casteism, imprint it has left on India’s social fabric and electoral politics, and how the BJP in particular approaches the issue of caste, is discussed. Chapter 8 shows how Hindutva’s stalwarts define a Hindu Rashtra, and how these definitions differ and evolve over time, to answer key questions, how does the BJP view a Hindu Rashtra? Chapter 9 studies secularism as followed in different countries like the USA, UK and France to see if India can be tolerant without being ‘secular’? In the process the author rebuts doomsday predictions by some politicians who claim that India is on its way to become a ‘Hindu Pakistan’. Chapter 10 explains How has the Indian judiciary defined Dharma, Hinduism and Hindutva? And suggests “if not a Hindu Rashtra, should the Supreme Court—given its own reverence for dharma—back a Dharmic Rashtra?” (Loc:3722-3722) Overall, this book is a must-read for anyone seeking a comprehensive understanding of the intricate dynamics at play in the battle for Bharat in the year 2024.
The authors have done fine work underpinning various issues pertaining to current political discourse in India, highlighting its historical, ideological and electoral reasons; making it an interesting read before the 2024 general elections.
Well analysed and the book is equiped with the various perception of the current political trend and gives an insight to the reader to think about the country's future path in Global platform