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Dreams and Shadows: The Future of the Middle East
Robin Wright first landed in the Middle East on October 6, 1973, the day the fourth Middle East war erupted. She has covered every country and most major crises in the region since then, through to the rise of al Qaeda and the U.S. invasion of Iraq. For all the drama of the past, however, the region's most decisive traumas are unfolding today as the Middle East struggles to deal with trends that have already reshaped the rest of the world. And for all the darkness, there is also hope. Some of the emerging trends give cause for greater optimism about the future of the Middle East than at any time since the first Arab-Israeli war in 1948. Dreams and Shadows is an extraordinary tour de horizon of the new Middle East, with on-the-ground reportage of the ideas and movements driving change across the region - and the obstacles they confront. Through the powerful storytelling for which the author is famous, Dreams and Shadows ties together the players and events in Iraq, Iran, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Morocco, Turkey, the Gulf states, and the Palestinian territories into a coherent vision of what lies ahead.
A marvelous field report from the center of the storm, the book is animated by the characters whose stories give the region's transformation its human immediacy and urgency. It is also rich with the history that brought us to this point. It is a masterpiece of the reporter's art and a work of profound and enduring insight.
At the end, Wright offers perspective on the United States' most ambitious and costly foreign policy initiative since the rebuilding of Europe after World War II. The stakes are far greater than winning the war on terrorism, stabilizing Iraq, or achieving a lasting Arab-Israeli peace.
Transforming the greater Middle East is the last great political challenge of the modern era. Yet the early burst of activity in a region long stagnant is already becoming one of the first grand surprises of the 21st century.
A marvelous field report from the center of the storm, the book is animated by the characters whose stories give the region's transformation its human immediacy and urgency. It is also rich with the history that brought us to this point. It is a masterpiece of the reporter's art and a work of profound and enduring insight.
At the end, Wright offers perspective on the United States' most ambitious and costly foreign policy initiative since the rebuilding of Europe after World War II. The stakes are far greater than winning the war on terrorism, stabilizing Iraq, or achieving a lasting Arab-Israeli peace.
Transforming the greater Middle East is the last great political challenge of the modern era. Yet the early burst of activity in a region long stagnant is already becoming one of the first grand surprises of the 21st century.
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First published February 28, 2008
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About the author
Robin Wright
56 books51 followersRobin B. Wright is an American foreign affairs analyst, author and journalist who has covered wars, revolutions and uprisings around the world. She writes for The New Yorker and is a fellow of the U.S. Institute of Peace and the Woodrow Wilson Center. Wright has authored five books and coauthored or edited three others.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 79 reviews
December 18, 2021
Can a book about the Middle East with a major topic of democracy really be taken seriously and called "authorative" as some reviewers have when it excludes both Saudi Arabia and Israel?
Saudi Arabia is the bankroller of a great deal of terrorism in the world, a lot of which emanates from the Middle East. This has resulted in certain nations having dreams of the future that excludes women and non-Muslims from any participation (just like Saudi Arabia) and calls for the implementation of a final solution identical to Hitler's. Saudi Arabia is also opposed to democracy on religious terms and provides support for other groups in the Middle East preaching, if not actually fighting, for a medieval religious-based government and system of law.
Israel is the only truly democratic nation in the Middle East. In fact, its choice of a particular list-based form of proportional representation is one of the major causes of its problems. If it was a first-past-the-post or two-party democracy as the UK or US, whoever won the election wouldn't always need to form a partnership with the perpetual next biggest group, a coalition of various religious, right-wing parties, basically opposed to a peace settlement on any but their own extremely narrow terms.
Until Israel reforms it's form of election, there is no way to get rid of the right wing religious parties and there will never be peace and settlement with the Palestinians. They aren't really any different from any right wing religious parties in the world - they think they are right, their way is God's way, and everyone else should fall into line or be damned in hell forever (except there isn't a hell or even really a 'forever' in Judaism, so they do it in the present).
Teetering on edge of democracy is Jordan Here the king with all his autocratic powers has been known to dissolve parliament, can appoint - or not - ministers, and there is no freedom of speech or the press or religion. So 'teetering' might be a bit of an exaggeration but it is a long way from the vile, misogynist, repressive, racist medieval Saudi Arabia. (Although murders of women in the family are still condoned as honour killings and punishments are very, very minimal if at all).
If anyone can tell me how this book benefits or at least doesn't suffer by having these two key nations excluded, I will be very happy.
Saudi Arabia is the bankroller of a great deal of terrorism in the world, a lot of which emanates from the Middle East. This has resulted in certain nations having dreams of the future that excludes women and non-Muslims from any participation (just like Saudi Arabia) and calls for the implementation of a final solution identical to Hitler's. Saudi Arabia is also opposed to democracy on religious terms and provides support for other groups in the Middle East preaching, if not actually fighting, for a medieval religious-based government and system of law.
Israel is the only truly democratic nation in the Middle East. In fact, its choice of a particular list-based form of proportional representation is one of the major causes of its problems. If it was a first-past-the-post or two-party democracy as the UK or US, whoever won the election wouldn't always need to form a partnership with the perpetual next biggest group, a coalition of various religious, right-wing parties, basically opposed to a peace settlement on any but their own extremely narrow terms.
Until Israel reforms it's form of election, there is no way to get rid of the right wing religious parties and there will never be peace and settlement with the Palestinians. They aren't really any different from any right wing religious parties in the world - they think they are right, their way is God's way, and everyone else should fall into line or be damned in hell forever (except there isn't a hell or even really a 'forever' in Judaism, so they do it in the present).
Teetering on edge of democracy is Jordan Here the king with all his autocratic powers has been known to dissolve parliament, can appoint - or not - ministers, and there is no freedom of speech or the press or religion. So 'teetering' might be a bit of an exaggeration but it is a long way from the vile, misogynist, repressive, racist medieval Saudi Arabia. (Although murders of women in the family are still condoned as honour killings and punishments are very, very minimal if at all).
If anyone can tell me how this book benefits or at least doesn't suffer by having these two key nations excluded, I will be very happy.
July 17, 2022
For decades Robin Wright has worked in the Middle East as the best kind of reporter -- a messenger who really listens to people and conveys their perspectives straight. In this book she draws on a vast network of people who trust her to convey the real experience of Middle Easterners struggling for a better future. She introduces numerous local heroes from Morocco to Iran, who have risked themselves standing up to despotic rulers. Where the West once supported conservative Muslim rulers against Communists, Wright finds that many of the strongest voices for fairness and liberty are socialists or communists. Where the West has backed Muslim autocrats against Islamists, she finds a new wave of popular movements for religious values have become the strongest challengers to autocracy. Wright honestly conveys the difficulties and courage of these activists. She also conveys their despair over the destructive role of US interventionism in the region. As Syrian dissident Yassin Haj Saleh puts it, "However opposed Syrians are to our own regime, they now distrust the Americans more."
June 11, 2011
This book was published in 2008, and yet it foretells the Arab Spring of 2011 clearly. In the preface, Wright quotes a human rights activist:
Robin Wright may be the Middle East analyst with the most access—she seems to travel unhindered whenever and wherever she chooses to visit. Wright so clearly loves the Middle East, and Iran in particular, that we begin to love it, too. We especially love the brave men and women who risk their lives to demand a voice, in Iran and Syria for example. The demand for civil rights for blacks, perhaps, is the last time we have seen peaceful resistance and a stand on righteousness in this country. It can be violent, but it is extraordinarily effective.
In this book, written for a non-specialist in Middle East politics, Wright introduces us simply, clearly to the major players, excluding Israel. She writes of modern Arab history, beginning with The Palestinians, moving to Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Iran, and Morocco. We are given major, still-relevant events in recent history for each group, and interviews with both government and dissident voices. The lines of dissension couldn’t be clearer, and though the Israel/Palestine divide is rarely mentioned after the first sections, this is the context within which all the Middle East labors. Besides that, each country has its own particular geography and political history to enter the equations for peace and stability. A throwing off of long-governing autocrats doesn’t seem impossible: Wright makes it seem inevitable. Which makes one wonder, “why can’t the leaders see that?” Does she make it too simple for us? Certainly her descriptions make me want to go to the Middle East myself, to see for myself, if only it were that easy. If I have to rely on someone else’s interpretation, hers seems as balanced as one can hope for—if she weren’t balanced, she wouldn’t have the access she exhibits.
One reason she knew change was coming and will continue I copy for you here:
Finally, Wright discusses Iraq, and the American war there. Each sentence reads like another board nailed on the scaffolding of a once great country’s demise (ours and theirs). Here Wright tells us what must happen if government change in the Middle East is to succeed:
Robin Wright is publishing a new book this July with Simon and Schuster called Rock the Cabash: Rage and Rebellion Across the Islamic World. I look forward to seeing it. Don’t miss it!
“The despots in the Arab world are on their last gasp,” he reflected. “Just like any last-ditch battles, they will do a lot of stupid things and leave a lot of destruction. But these will be the last battles. People have already broken the fear barrier. They are as ready for change and democracy as East Europe was in the 1980s and as Latin America was in the 1970s. History is moving. The moment is ours.”(prologue, p. 6)
Robin Wright may be the Middle East analyst with the most access—she seems to travel unhindered whenever and wherever she chooses to visit. Wright so clearly loves the Middle East, and Iran in particular, that we begin to love it, too. We especially love the brave men and women who risk their lives to demand a voice, in Iran and Syria for example. The demand for civil rights for blacks, perhaps, is the last time we have seen peaceful resistance and a stand on righteousness in this country. It can be violent, but it is extraordinarily effective.
In this book, written for a non-specialist in Middle East politics, Wright introduces us simply, clearly to the major players, excluding Israel. She writes of modern Arab history, beginning with The Palestinians, moving to Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Iran, and Morocco. We are given major, still-relevant events in recent history for each group, and interviews with both government and dissident voices. The lines of dissension couldn’t be clearer, and though the Israel/Palestine divide is rarely mentioned after the first sections, this is the context within which all the Middle East labors. Besides that, each country has its own particular geography and political history to enter the equations for peace and stability. A throwing off of long-governing autocrats doesn’t seem impossible: Wright makes it seem inevitable. Which makes one wonder, “why can’t the leaders see that?” Does she make it too simple for us? Certainly her descriptions make me want to go to the Middle East myself, to see for myself, if only it were that easy. If I have to rely on someone else’s interpretation, hers seems as balanced as one can hope for—if she weren’t balanced, she wouldn’t have the access she exhibits.
One reason she knew change was coming and will continue I copy for you here:
Two dynamics will define political change in the NE for years to come. The first is…identity, the accumulative package of family, faith, race, traditions, and ties to a specific piece of land. The second dynamic is…youth and an emerging generation of younger leaders. The young have never been so important: More than seventy percent of the people living in the regions stretching from Tehran to Rabat are under thirty years old. (p. 137)
Finally, Wright discusses Iraq, and the American war there. Each sentence reads like another board nailed on the scaffolding of a once great country’s demise (ours and theirs). Here Wright tells us what must happen if government change in the Middle East is to succeed:
Change in today’s Middle East is likely to succeed only when all major players—not just the majority—believe they have a stake in the new order. Rival identities will otherwise derail it. The sense of common nationhood is still too fragile. Suspicions run too deep. ..Iraq is a telling, and tragic precedent.
Robin Wright is publishing a new book this July with Simon and Schuster called Rock the Cabash: Rage and Rebellion Across the Islamic World. I look forward to seeing it. Don’t miss it!
October 4, 2016
I started this book two years ago, back in 2014 when the renewed hostilities between Israel and Palestine had sparked my interest in Middle-Eastern history. And then, as it so often happens, life got in the way of books and I didn’t finish it. Having found it engaging, informative and well-researched at the time, I was only too happy to pick it up again recently. During more than 30 years of coverage of the region as a foreign correspondent, Robin Wright ‘witnessed extraordinary transformations of all kinds’. That is precisely what I find most intriguing about the Middle East- its constant state of flux and all the potential that it holds. Remarkable things can and will happen here.
The book begins with a prologue on the Middle East and goes on to provide an overview of the political developments in various countries of the region. Palestine, Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Morocco and Iraq- each have a chapter devoted to them. I found the narrative to be balanced, yet scholarly. In her quest to understand the why’s and how’s of the politics of these countries, Wright presents all viewpoints- the leaders in power, the clerics, the activists, the extremists- the entire spectrum, without being deferential to any. She offers an astute analysis of the forces of change at work in the Middle East in this book.
Apart from being an outstanding journalist, Wright also happens to be a gifted writer. And that is why a non-fiction book packed with information also manages to be page-turner. She strikes an exceptionally good balance between anecdotes, factual information, excerpts from her interviews, and analysis. She breathes life into the disparate voices of her protagonists by meticulously describing their appearance, demeanor and mannerisms alongside their opinions. It was a fun exercise for me to google the images of the interviewees and match them with the author’s descriptions (I can only hope now that I don’t get into trouble with the Big Brother for searching a lot of controversial Arabic names in the past week!). Wright also has a knack for succinctly summing up the political trends in the region. Her pithy observations have something of a poetic quality. In the context of the Iranian Revolution, she writes “Revolutions often eat themselves up. The turmoil, blood-letting, and failure to produce the promised utopia trigger a backlash. But in the reaction can lie the seeds of longer political change.” Reflecting on the future of Iraq, she opines “For the foreseeable future, the Middle East will be engulfed in a contest between the familiar and the feared, between the comfort of long-standing local traditions and the lure of global political trends. In a region where ways of life date back millennia, it will be a tug-of-war, bloody at times."
As I went through this political travelogue, I was struck by the abundance of heroes in the Middle East- dissident voices who have spent more than half of their lives in jails and endured brutal tortures to resist despotic regimes and their draconian laws. And yet, there seem to be none in power. Countries like Syria and Iran seem to have witnessed their own version of the Animal Farm tragedy. Revolutions replaced autocratic governments with even more oppressive ones leading to a free fall in civil liberties. Surprisingly, the most impressive figure that emerges from the book is Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah, the controversial Lebanese leader of the Hezbollah. Even though his methods can be unequivocally denounced, he seems to be a man who, in the words of Barham Salih, Iraq’s deputy prime minister, “is true to his word, is not a thief and is successful at what he promises to do”. The last thing I expected was to find clarity, consistency and levelheadedness in the words of a turbaned cleric, but such is the Middle-East, I suppose!
The book also provides some insight into why successful resistance movements in the region almost always come to revolve around religion. The historian Samir Kassir points out, “The current regimes forbid their citizens any license- if not to change these regimes, then at least to breathe new life into them through popular participation….The crisis of faith in the political process then runs its course, until there is nothing left but religion to channel people’s frustrations and express their demands for change.” With despots not allowing any viable opposition and restricting public gatherings, the mosque becomes the natural focal point of the organization of resistance. With no tenable constitution, the highest form of legitimacy is derived from God. With arbitrary borders drawn by foreign imperial forces, the religious identity still continues to dominate the national identity.
I greatly enjoyed the perceptive quotations by notable philosophers, statesmen, historians and theologians that Wright uses throughout the book, and in particular, at the beginning of each chapter.
There is no law of progress. Our future is in our own hands, to make or to mar. It will be an uphill fight to the end, and would we have it otherwise? Let no one suppose that evolution will ever exempt us from struggles. “You forget”, said the Devil, with a chuckle, “that I have been evolving too.” - William Ralph Inge
Under a government which imprisons any unjustly, the true place for a just man is also a prison. –Henry David Thoreau
And finally, the words of Mustapha Kemal Ataturk from which the book derives its title,
Neither sentiment nor illusion must influence our policy. Away with dreams and shadows! They have cost us dear in the past.
A must-read for anyone interested in learning about the history, politics and conflicts of the Middle East.
The book begins with a prologue on the Middle East and goes on to provide an overview of the political developments in various countries of the region. Palestine, Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Morocco and Iraq- each have a chapter devoted to them. I found the narrative to be balanced, yet scholarly. In her quest to understand the why’s and how’s of the politics of these countries, Wright presents all viewpoints- the leaders in power, the clerics, the activists, the extremists- the entire spectrum, without being deferential to any. She offers an astute analysis of the forces of change at work in the Middle East in this book.
Apart from being an outstanding journalist, Wright also happens to be a gifted writer. And that is why a non-fiction book packed with information also manages to be page-turner. She strikes an exceptionally good balance between anecdotes, factual information, excerpts from her interviews, and analysis. She breathes life into the disparate voices of her protagonists by meticulously describing their appearance, demeanor and mannerisms alongside their opinions. It was a fun exercise for me to google the images of the interviewees and match them with the author’s descriptions (I can only hope now that I don’t get into trouble with the Big Brother for searching a lot of controversial Arabic names in the past week!). Wright also has a knack for succinctly summing up the political trends in the region. Her pithy observations have something of a poetic quality. In the context of the Iranian Revolution, she writes “Revolutions often eat themselves up. The turmoil, blood-letting, and failure to produce the promised utopia trigger a backlash. But in the reaction can lie the seeds of longer political change.” Reflecting on the future of Iraq, she opines “For the foreseeable future, the Middle East will be engulfed in a contest between the familiar and the feared, between the comfort of long-standing local traditions and the lure of global political trends. In a region where ways of life date back millennia, it will be a tug-of-war, bloody at times."
As I went through this political travelogue, I was struck by the abundance of heroes in the Middle East- dissident voices who have spent more than half of their lives in jails and endured brutal tortures to resist despotic regimes and their draconian laws. And yet, there seem to be none in power. Countries like Syria and Iran seem to have witnessed their own version of the Animal Farm tragedy. Revolutions replaced autocratic governments with even more oppressive ones leading to a free fall in civil liberties. Surprisingly, the most impressive figure that emerges from the book is Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah, the controversial Lebanese leader of the Hezbollah. Even though his methods can be unequivocally denounced, he seems to be a man who, in the words of Barham Salih, Iraq’s deputy prime minister, “is true to his word, is not a thief and is successful at what he promises to do”. The last thing I expected was to find clarity, consistency and levelheadedness in the words of a turbaned cleric, but such is the Middle-East, I suppose!
The book also provides some insight into why successful resistance movements in the region almost always come to revolve around religion. The historian Samir Kassir points out, “The current regimes forbid their citizens any license- if not to change these regimes, then at least to breathe new life into them through popular participation….The crisis of faith in the political process then runs its course, until there is nothing left but religion to channel people’s frustrations and express their demands for change.” With despots not allowing any viable opposition and restricting public gatherings, the mosque becomes the natural focal point of the organization of resistance. With no tenable constitution, the highest form of legitimacy is derived from God. With arbitrary borders drawn by foreign imperial forces, the religious identity still continues to dominate the national identity.
I greatly enjoyed the perceptive quotations by notable philosophers, statesmen, historians and theologians that Wright uses throughout the book, and in particular, at the beginning of each chapter.
There is no law of progress. Our future is in our own hands, to make or to mar. It will be an uphill fight to the end, and would we have it otherwise? Let no one suppose that evolution will ever exempt us from struggles. “You forget”, said the Devil, with a chuckle, “that I have been evolving too.” - William Ralph Inge
Under a government which imprisons any unjustly, the true place for a just man is also a prison. –Henry David Thoreau
And finally, the words of Mustapha Kemal Ataturk from which the book derives its title,
Neither sentiment nor illusion must influence our policy. Away with dreams and shadows! They have cost us dear in the past.
A must-read for anyone interested in learning about the history, politics and conflicts of the Middle East.
February 19, 2017
Robin Wright has always been my favorite reporter on Middle East affairs. The stories and accounts she has written in The Los Angeles Times and The New Yorker have consistently been impressive in quality and effortlessly impartial. Robin has a unique ability to leverage her vast network of resources to tap into the most intimate thoughts and feelings of that region and relay them uncensored to her audience. So needless to say, I was pretty excited to read this book to learn from her what future my people have and how they might get a shot at it.
I was very impressed, and now like the author, hopeful.
Robin takes on the most volatile players in the Middle East (Palestine, Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Morocco and Iraq to be exact) and paints with words the most descriptive portrait for each. Having grown up in the region, I know how revealing those portraits are for those who dare peruse them. Her intimate knowledge of Egyptian politics, culture, modern history and collective psyche is astounding. It's evident that her superb soft skills have allowed her to penetrate these cultures and gain the trust of the people who told their story and to whom she listened.
The book is written for a Western audience, who might find the information provided in it completely conflicting with what they thought they knew about the Middle East. The accounts and stories presented in the book aren't clouded with opinions, agendas or spins. The facts are stated and the quotes are relayed. It's pure and simple journalism.
I also believe that another audience might benefit greatly from reading this book--the very people this book is about. Middle Easterners will find in this book a candid reflection of their current affairs. It's imperative for people to know how they are perceived in order to complete their perception of who they really are. We give this feedback to friends and family daily, but nations and cultures don't do that with each other frequently. Here is a chance that I hope doesn't get wasted.
The book in general voices optimism in the future of the Middle East, despite the war in Iraq and despite the rise in Islamic fundamentalism. Painful stories from across the region about fledgling dreams trying to make it and desperate youth fighting to dream are recounted so vividly by the author, who uses her magic to point out the silver lining in each of these stories and in turn keeping our hopes alive for a better tomorrow in the region.
It was definitely an entertaining, informative and thought-provoking read. I highly recommend it.
I was very impressed, and now like the author, hopeful.
Robin takes on the most volatile players in the Middle East (Palestine, Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Morocco and Iraq to be exact) and paints with words the most descriptive portrait for each. Having grown up in the region, I know how revealing those portraits are for those who dare peruse them. Her intimate knowledge of Egyptian politics, culture, modern history and collective psyche is astounding. It's evident that her superb soft skills have allowed her to penetrate these cultures and gain the trust of the people who told their story and to whom she listened.
The book is written for a Western audience, who might find the information provided in it completely conflicting with what they thought they knew about the Middle East. The accounts and stories presented in the book aren't clouded with opinions, agendas or spins. The facts are stated and the quotes are relayed. It's pure and simple journalism.
I also believe that another audience might benefit greatly from reading this book--the very people this book is about. Middle Easterners will find in this book a candid reflection of their current affairs. It's imperative for people to know how they are perceived in order to complete their perception of who they really are. We give this feedback to friends and family daily, but nations and cultures don't do that with each other frequently. Here is a chance that I hope doesn't get wasted.
The book in general voices optimism in the future of the Middle East, despite the war in Iraq and despite the rise in Islamic fundamentalism. Painful stories from across the region about fledgling dreams trying to make it and desperate youth fighting to dream are recounted so vividly by the author, who uses her magic to point out the silver lining in each of these stories and in turn keeping our hopes alive for a better tomorrow in the region.
It was definitely an entertaining, informative and thought-provoking read. I highly recommend it.
April 25, 2016
“Dreams and Shadows” is a well written and remarkable example of scholarly journalism, combining her research and time in the field as a well-travelled news reporter. It is somewhat misnamed because she spends most of her time writing about the past and some time about her present (it was published in 2008) with little speculation about what she thinks the future holds.
Her chapter on Iraq is about American mistakes and those on Palestine and Lebanon are critical of Israel, but for the rest of the book she portrays the Muslim struggle for freedom and democracy set against the despotism of their own dictators. Americans call torture a scandal, but for most Third World dictatorships it is business as usual. She writes about political parties, theologians, and journalists risking spending years in prisons under horrific conditions to bring Islamic democracy to their countries. The theology becomes thickest on the paper during her chapter on Morocco since it spends the quite some time on feminism and its relationship to the Koran. Iran comes across as the most rebellious culture in the book, with its people the least willing to bow down to anyone, not even their own leaders. Of course, she didn’t have a chapter on Afghanistan.
Her chapter on Iraq is about American mistakes and those on Palestine and Lebanon are critical of Israel, but for the rest of the book she portrays the Muslim struggle for freedom and democracy set against the despotism of their own dictators. Americans call torture a scandal, but for most Third World dictatorships it is business as usual. She writes about political parties, theologians, and journalists risking spending years in prisons under horrific conditions to bring Islamic democracy to their countries. The theology becomes thickest on the paper during her chapter on Morocco since it spends the quite some time on feminism and its relationship to the Koran. Iran comes across as the most rebellious culture in the book, with its people the least willing to bow down to anyone, not even their own leaders. Of course, she didn’t have a chapter on Afghanistan.
June 12, 2017
Worked very hard to finish this book. To my friends from the Middle East or who have family living there I wish nothing but a life of peace and dignity. To those who believe that anyone from the Middle East is a dangerous and terrible person, shame on you! There is good and bad no matter where you go in the world.
March 27, 2013
This is a survey of the current political status in Palestine, Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Morocco and Iraq. Through recent events, author Robin Wright sees hope for change in the region. She warns that the movements she cites are nascent and fragile, and steps backward sometimes follow steps forward. She also notes that she may be putting too much emphasis on the undercurrents. The book ends with the regressive effects of the US's democracy mission in Iraq. Despite all her disclaimers, as events have unfolded her observations of everyday dissatisfaction in Iran did show very deep and strong desires for political change and she may be right on in the other countries as well.
For the wide swath of territory covered, the youth comprise 70% of the population. This generation is more educated than any before it and has finger tip access to knowledge of the world beyond. In the last chapter, feminist, Fatima Mernissi, of Morocco cites information itself as being the most important factor for empowerment.
Robin Wright notes that what is different today than any time before is that dissent is not confined to a small circle of dissidents. A very large and diverse section of the population is telling authoritarian leaders that it wants change and is no longer afraid to demand it. In some of these countries women are in the forefront of change. Most leaders demanding change say that to be effective, change has to be gradual. Many say secular movements need to reserve a place for religion.
Morocco was of the most interest to me, perhaps because it's the country I know least about. It isn't a country often mentioned, let alone covered, in the US press. Morocco demonstrates Wright's step forward and backward observation. The king's structural power exceeds that of any other monarch. Just as the new young king, who's father and grandfather had led extremely iron handed regimes, set the stage for less government repression and women were secured a few rights, suicide bombs and other violence brought on a wave of mass arrests.
Wright's view that small things can tell the story clearly presaged the events in Iran. Before the election and its aftermath she observed that the rulers were the butt of everyday jokes, cab drivers bypassed clerics, the 1970's hostage takers were critical of the government they spawned and regime was unable to produce adoring patriotic crowds in 2007 when it took some British soldiers as hostages.
If Wright is correct on the other countries she covers, as she was in Iran, these next few years will be incredibly tumultuous in these countries.
March 2013 - this book was written before the Arab Spring. The author was right on target. Unfortunately, being right like this will not give anyone influence in world affairs.
For the wide swath of territory covered, the youth comprise 70% of the population. This generation is more educated than any before it and has finger tip access to knowledge of the world beyond. In the last chapter, feminist, Fatima Mernissi, of Morocco cites information itself as being the most important factor for empowerment.
Robin Wright notes that what is different today than any time before is that dissent is not confined to a small circle of dissidents. A very large and diverse section of the population is telling authoritarian leaders that it wants change and is no longer afraid to demand it. In some of these countries women are in the forefront of change. Most leaders demanding change say that to be effective, change has to be gradual. Many say secular movements need to reserve a place for religion.
Morocco was of the most interest to me, perhaps because it's the country I know least about. It isn't a country often mentioned, let alone covered, in the US press. Morocco demonstrates Wright's step forward and backward observation. The king's structural power exceeds that of any other monarch. Just as the new young king, who's father and grandfather had led extremely iron handed regimes, set the stage for less government repression and women were secured a few rights, suicide bombs and other violence brought on a wave of mass arrests.
Wright's view that small things can tell the story clearly presaged the events in Iran. Before the election and its aftermath she observed that the rulers were the butt of everyday jokes, cab drivers bypassed clerics, the 1970's hostage takers were critical of the government they spawned and regime was unable to produce adoring patriotic crowds in 2007 when it took some British soldiers as hostages.
If Wright is correct on the other countries she covers, as she was in Iran, these next few years will be incredibly tumultuous in these countries.
March 2013 - this book was written before the Arab Spring. The author was right on target. Unfortunately, being right like this will not give anyone influence in world affairs.
June 18, 2017
Two stars for the history shared in this book. The journalist insight is what one should not be looking for in this book. Ms. Wright does not understand what independent journalism means. The entire book is biased - as one can involuntarily make out - towards the short-sighted US Foreign Policy in the middle east. One needs to just read directly the chapter on Iraq to be able to spot the USness of this book.
I highly recommend reading 'The Great War for Civilisation' by Mr. Robert Fisk to anyone who is interested in knowing the middle east and understanding the reasons for the present horrors being faced by the region.
I highly recommend reading 'The Great War for Civilisation' by Mr. Robert Fisk to anyone who is interested in knowing the middle east and understanding the reasons for the present horrors being faced by the region.
June 24, 2010
This really helped me understand the Middle East situation a whole lot better. It's written so that I, without a lot of background in the Middle East conflict, could understand it. But it also had information that would be good to know for someone who wanted to enhance their education on the matter rather than start learning about it.
March 30, 2011
Robin Wright's book is an excellent read. It was very informative and provides a very good description of recent events in the middle east. I thoroughly enjoyed it!
November 23, 2013
Dreams and Shadows: The Future of the Middle East (2008) by Robin Wright is a 464-page collection of historical and firsthand accounts up to 2007 of Palestine (and Israel), Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Morocco, and an Iraq influenced by the United States. What is fascinating is that several of these countries imploded into a revolution (Syria's turmoil is still ongoing) after this book was published. By reading Wright's accounts of these hostile environments the reader can get a detailed glimpse into how history unfolded and how it is still being shaped today.
I was first handed this book by one of my best friends who gave it to me for a Christmas gift a few years ago. He knew I was working on my MFA thesis concerning Iran and he thought it would be useful. It was. Recently, though, I reread the book because I was finishing up my time at Southern New Hampshire University and my MFA thesis in Fiction. And I thought I would share some facts and perceptions from Wright about Iran that helped to shape my characters and my story set in Iran, 1974.
Most of the book's chapters focus on an individual country and the timeline roughly begins after World War I (when the Ottoman Empire was dissected and reorganized into the turbulent Middle East by Great Britain and France) and ends about one year before the book was published.
The reason I took a great interest in Iran is because most people today do not quite understand what Iran used to be (pre-1979) and what Iran went through to become what it is today (post-1979). Since January 2011, I have researched the Middle East, especially Iran. I have taken courses at the University of North Carolina-Greensboro to aid my research, and two years of additional research with Southern New Hampshire University's creative writing program. I owe both universities a thanks for allowing me to use their online libraries.
But now, to narrow down my research that ended up consuming eight pages for a Bibliography, I would like to share some excerpts that I thought were meaningful and insightful from Wright's two chapters on Iran. A quick sidenote: Iran was previously named Persia until the mid-1930s when the king, or shah, changed it. 'Iran' comes from, or rather is a cognate of, 'Aryan' or 'Ayria,' meaning free or noble.
Most people, if asked about Iran's revolution in 1979, might answer that the revolution happened because Iranians, or Persians, wanted to establish an Islamic state, a government and nation ruled by the Holy Koran. This is simply not true. Let's take a quick look at what happened to Iran and how it went from a monarchy to a theocracy.
First, history is always repeating itself.
''The Constitutional Rebellion of 1905-1911 forced the weak Qajar dynasty to agree to Iran's first constitution and parliament. Foreshadowing the 1979 revolution, the revolt was launched by the same powerful troika--the clergy, bazaar merchants, and the intelligentsia--that would come together again later in the century. Their goal was to curtail the monarchy's power'' (p 274).
The same troika would come again in the years leading up to the 1979 revolution that ousted Pahlavi, the shah since 1953. But the 1979 revolution was to stop the monarchy, which like some modern leaders today grew greedy and mad with power. Similar events have unfolded in recent years with Syria, Egypt, Libya and Tunisia.
''The Imam--and many of the people who took to the streets to topple the shah--initially did not intend to create a theocracy or to see clerics rule. 'Our intention is not that religious leaders should themselves administer the state,' Imam Khomeini told Le Monde shortly before returning to Iran from exile in Paris. After a wild welcome in Tehran, he moved back to his modest home on a muddy side street in Qom. The first revolutionary government was led by secular technocrats. The Imam was consulted mainly to settle disputes''...Both constitutions [after 1979] called for a strong president. Both outlined a secular structure for the new state. Both borrowed heavily from Europe's Napoleonic law. Neither allocated special roles for the clergy. And neither proposed a position of supreme leader'' (p 287-288).
''Yet Iran's new constitution [after 1979] did not create a theocracy. Even after it passed, Iran's government was still distinctly split. Secular technocrats ran the traditional arms of government, while clerics dominated the religious institutions. The Imam even decreed that clerics could not run in the first presidential election, which took place a year after the revolution, in January 1980. The winner was Abolhassan Bani-Sadr, a French-educated economist who had been twice imprisoned by the Shah'' (p 290).
That's right. The 1979 revolution was never meant to establish a theocracy (as it is now), but most Iranians desired a democracy with a constitution and an elected president while religion and clerics would be left out of politics. For a brief time, Iran was looking to a bright future as a free nation.
So what happened? Greed. Lust for power. Chaos. The usual human characteristics. Iran had, and has, something everyone wants. Oil. Those who controlled the oil controlled the money. The U.S. backed Shah was gone. The U.S. then went over and began supporting Saddam Hussein, who immediately started an eight-year war with Iran, with both sides never gaining an inch of land. The Iran-Iraq war also led to President Reagan's Iran Contra scandal. After that mess, the U.S. had to go back into Iraq, twice, to get control of their old dog Saddam, who they provided military weapons to and basically let off the leash. It was and will always be about OIL.
But back then, no one was really in control. Most Iranians knew they wanted a democracy and a president to limit leadership powers, but that also meant oil revenues would be open for the taking. So the question was: who was going to stand up and seize the realm? That is greed, but greed runs the world these days. Immoral men and women are those often making critical decisions. Moral men and women seem to just look on and shake their heads at all the foolishness.
But in 1981, Iranians in different factions still fought for control, and as they were doing this a free Iran slipped through their fingers and into an oppression they could have never imagined.
''Internal spats escalated as revolutionary factions turned on each other. Amid crackdowns, arrests, and executions, the government's secular technocrats and the clerics began to fall out too. Bani-Sadr...criticized the clergy for creating a climate of fear. He equated their tactics with Stalinism. He called publicly for 'resistance to tyranny,' while privately writing the Imam to caution that the regime was moving toward dictatorship. Once he dared to warn that the revolution was 'committing suicide'...
''In June 1981, seventeen months after taking office, parliament impeached Bani-Sadr. The next day, the Imam used his absolute power to remove Bani-Sadr from office and order his arrest. Dressed as a woman, the revolution's first president went into hiding. He eventually fled to France...
''In a four-month period in 1981, more than 1,000 government officials--including clerics, judges, politicians, and aides to Khomeini--were killed'' (p 290-291).
And from then on, Iranians had sealed their fate. After all, power once held is difficult to relinquish, no?
Nevertheless, some hope still remains.
''Three decades after the revolution, Iranians are increasingly derisive about the regime's clerics. Iranians love to point out how many mullahs settled into the posh northern suburb of Jamaran. The Imam's home and mosque were near the top of one of its scenic hills. Jamaran means 'havens of snakes.''' (p 298).
If we consider the recent changes that have taken place in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Afghanistan and Iraq--not to mention what is happening in Syria--we can only wonder when will it be Iran's turn.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Here are some other interesting facts I found:
''Islam literally means 'submission'--to God's will'' (p 267)... Adapting Islam is a process known as ijtihad, or 'interpretation.' It is applying the essence of the faith--based on the Koran and the traditions of the Prophet Mohammed, known as the hadith--to new problems or a changing world. The word ijtihad derives from jihad. Jihad is today easily the most misunderstood word in the world. It literally means 'trying' or 'struggle''' (p 269).
''The Zoroastrians of ancient Persia founded one of the world's first monotheistic faiths and heavily influenced subsequent Judeo-Christian thought. Their core ideas--about the devil, hell, a future savior, the worldly struggle between good and evil ending with a day of judgment, the resurrection of the dead, and an afterlife--had an impact on all other monotheistic faiths, and even Buddhism'' (p 272).
''Many Jews opted to live in Persia rather than move to Israel after their liberation. So many settled in what is today Isfahan that it was once known as Yahudiyeh or Dar al Yahud, Farsi or Arabic titles both roughly meaning 'haven of Jews.' The majority have fled sporadic persecution since the revolution, although Isfahan remains the largest Jewish community in the Middle East outside Israel'' (p 272-273).
And here is a modern account of Iran's traffic, which is very similar to Vietnam's traffic of today:
''To turn left on one of the capital's leafy boulevards at busy rush hour, get in the far right lane--and vice versa. A red light means gun it...If you need to make a U-turn, wait until oncoming traffic is roaring toward you, and then veer wildly out in front of it. A two-lane road is actually three and possibly four--and, by all means, also feel free to move into a lane of oncoming cars'' (p 285).
If you thought any of this information was interesting and/or useful, you will be surprised to find out even more about Egypt, Morocco and Lebanon in Wright's book. A strong recommend.
Don't forget to visit my websites:
www.cgfewston.net
www.cgfewston.me
I was first handed this book by one of my best friends who gave it to me for a Christmas gift a few years ago. He knew I was working on my MFA thesis concerning Iran and he thought it would be useful. It was. Recently, though, I reread the book because I was finishing up my time at Southern New Hampshire University and my MFA thesis in Fiction. And I thought I would share some facts and perceptions from Wright about Iran that helped to shape my characters and my story set in Iran, 1974.
Most of the book's chapters focus on an individual country and the timeline roughly begins after World War I (when the Ottoman Empire was dissected and reorganized into the turbulent Middle East by Great Britain and France) and ends about one year before the book was published.
The reason I took a great interest in Iran is because most people today do not quite understand what Iran used to be (pre-1979) and what Iran went through to become what it is today (post-1979). Since January 2011, I have researched the Middle East, especially Iran. I have taken courses at the University of North Carolina-Greensboro to aid my research, and two years of additional research with Southern New Hampshire University's creative writing program. I owe both universities a thanks for allowing me to use their online libraries.
But now, to narrow down my research that ended up consuming eight pages for a Bibliography, I would like to share some excerpts that I thought were meaningful and insightful from Wright's two chapters on Iran. A quick sidenote: Iran was previously named Persia until the mid-1930s when the king, or shah, changed it. 'Iran' comes from, or rather is a cognate of, 'Aryan' or 'Ayria,' meaning free or noble.
Most people, if asked about Iran's revolution in 1979, might answer that the revolution happened because Iranians, or Persians, wanted to establish an Islamic state, a government and nation ruled by the Holy Koran. This is simply not true. Let's take a quick look at what happened to Iran and how it went from a monarchy to a theocracy.
First, history is always repeating itself.
''The Constitutional Rebellion of 1905-1911 forced the weak Qajar dynasty to agree to Iran's first constitution and parliament. Foreshadowing the 1979 revolution, the revolt was launched by the same powerful troika--the clergy, bazaar merchants, and the intelligentsia--that would come together again later in the century. Their goal was to curtail the monarchy's power'' (p 274).
The same troika would come again in the years leading up to the 1979 revolution that ousted Pahlavi, the shah since 1953. But the 1979 revolution was to stop the monarchy, which like some modern leaders today grew greedy and mad with power. Similar events have unfolded in recent years with Syria, Egypt, Libya and Tunisia.
''The Imam--and many of the people who took to the streets to topple the shah--initially did not intend to create a theocracy or to see clerics rule. 'Our intention is not that religious leaders should themselves administer the state,' Imam Khomeini told Le Monde shortly before returning to Iran from exile in Paris. After a wild welcome in Tehran, he moved back to his modest home on a muddy side street in Qom. The first revolutionary government was led by secular technocrats. The Imam was consulted mainly to settle disputes''...Both constitutions [after 1979] called for a strong president. Both outlined a secular structure for the new state. Both borrowed heavily from Europe's Napoleonic law. Neither allocated special roles for the clergy. And neither proposed a position of supreme leader'' (p 287-288).
''Yet Iran's new constitution [after 1979] did not create a theocracy. Even after it passed, Iran's government was still distinctly split. Secular technocrats ran the traditional arms of government, while clerics dominated the religious institutions. The Imam even decreed that clerics could not run in the first presidential election, which took place a year after the revolution, in January 1980. The winner was Abolhassan Bani-Sadr, a French-educated economist who had been twice imprisoned by the Shah'' (p 290).
That's right. The 1979 revolution was never meant to establish a theocracy (as it is now), but most Iranians desired a democracy with a constitution and an elected president while religion and clerics would be left out of politics. For a brief time, Iran was looking to a bright future as a free nation.
So what happened? Greed. Lust for power. Chaos. The usual human characteristics. Iran had, and has, something everyone wants. Oil. Those who controlled the oil controlled the money. The U.S. backed Shah was gone. The U.S. then went over and began supporting Saddam Hussein, who immediately started an eight-year war with Iran, with both sides never gaining an inch of land. The Iran-Iraq war also led to President Reagan's Iran Contra scandal. After that mess, the U.S. had to go back into Iraq, twice, to get control of their old dog Saddam, who they provided military weapons to and basically let off the leash. It was and will always be about OIL.
But back then, no one was really in control. Most Iranians knew they wanted a democracy and a president to limit leadership powers, but that also meant oil revenues would be open for the taking. So the question was: who was going to stand up and seize the realm? That is greed, but greed runs the world these days. Immoral men and women are those often making critical decisions. Moral men and women seem to just look on and shake their heads at all the foolishness.
But in 1981, Iranians in different factions still fought for control, and as they were doing this a free Iran slipped through their fingers and into an oppression they could have never imagined.
''Internal spats escalated as revolutionary factions turned on each other. Amid crackdowns, arrests, and executions, the government's secular technocrats and the clerics began to fall out too. Bani-Sadr...criticized the clergy for creating a climate of fear. He equated their tactics with Stalinism. He called publicly for 'resistance to tyranny,' while privately writing the Imam to caution that the regime was moving toward dictatorship. Once he dared to warn that the revolution was 'committing suicide'...
''In June 1981, seventeen months after taking office, parliament impeached Bani-Sadr. The next day, the Imam used his absolute power to remove Bani-Sadr from office and order his arrest. Dressed as a woman, the revolution's first president went into hiding. He eventually fled to France...
''In a four-month period in 1981, more than 1,000 government officials--including clerics, judges, politicians, and aides to Khomeini--were killed'' (p 290-291).
And from then on, Iranians had sealed their fate. After all, power once held is difficult to relinquish, no?
Nevertheless, some hope still remains.
''Three decades after the revolution, Iranians are increasingly derisive about the regime's clerics. Iranians love to point out how many mullahs settled into the posh northern suburb of Jamaran. The Imam's home and mosque were near the top of one of its scenic hills. Jamaran means 'havens of snakes.''' (p 298).
If we consider the recent changes that have taken place in Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Afghanistan and Iraq--not to mention what is happening in Syria--we can only wonder when will it be Iran's turn.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Here are some other interesting facts I found:
''Islam literally means 'submission'--to God's will'' (p 267)... Adapting Islam is a process known as ijtihad, or 'interpretation.' It is applying the essence of the faith--based on the Koran and the traditions of the Prophet Mohammed, known as the hadith--to new problems or a changing world. The word ijtihad derives from jihad. Jihad is today easily the most misunderstood word in the world. It literally means 'trying' or 'struggle''' (p 269).
''The Zoroastrians of ancient Persia founded one of the world's first monotheistic faiths and heavily influenced subsequent Judeo-Christian thought. Their core ideas--about the devil, hell, a future savior, the worldly struggle between good and evil ending with a day of judgment, the resurrection of the dead, and an afterlife--had an impact on all other monotheistic faiths, and even Buddhism'' (p 272).
''Many Jews opted to live in Persia rather than move to Israel after their liberation. So many settled in what is today Isfahan that it was once known as Yahudiyeh or Dar al Yahud, Farsi or Arabic titles both roughly meaning 'haven of Jews.' The majority have fled sporadic persecution since the revolution, although Isfahan remains the largest Jewish community in the Middle East outside Israel'' (p 272-273).
And here is a modern account of Iran's traffic, which is very similar to Vietnam's traffic of today:
''To turn left on one of the capital's leafy boulevards at busy rush hour, get in the far right lane--and vice versa. A red light means gun it...If you need to make a U-turn, wait until oncoming traffic is roaring toward you, and then veer wildly out in front of it. A two-lane road is actually three and possibly four--and, by all means, also feel free to move into a lane of oncoming cars'' (p 285).
If you thought any of this information was interesting and/or useful, you will be surprised to find out even more about Egypt, Morocco and Lebanon in Wright's book. A strong recommend.
Don't forget to visit my websites:
www.cgfewston.net
www.cgfewston.me
August 10, 2024
Several fascinating interviews with people of all cultural and political stripes within the profiled countries made this book compelling. Wright provides insightful historical context throughout that helped me grasp the dynamics at play in the modern Middle East. I felt more sad and angry about US foreign policy mistakes in the region reading this in 2024 after the intensified Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the American exit from Afghanistan, even though both Israel and Afghanistan (and Saudi Arabia) are conspicuously absent from Wright's analysis. Challenging book to push through at times but worth a read for anyone seeking to learn more about the region, Islamist movements, and the future of democracy elsewhere in the world.
April 17, 2009
"Peace in the Middle East" and even "Democracy in the Middle East" are starting to become cliched phrases, lacking the cultural, political and historical background to fully comprehend the difficulties of reform. Looking over the Middle East's broad landscape, Robin Wright attempts to outline the players and reformers in a few representative Middle Eastern states. She does omit a few nations, most notably Saudi Arabia, but does include Egypt, the Palestinian Territories, Syria, Lebanon, Iran, the closing chapter that focuses on the Iraq war and the "success" story of Morocco.
The picture is stark and very clear: the reformers have an uphill battle to fight. The Middle East is riddled with turmoil, spurts of violence, and the familiar pattern of weak, corrupt or autocratic governments. In Egypt, it is the Mubarak regime and State Security. Syria has the Assad presidency and the Mukhabarat secret police. Multi-ethnic Lebanon is fractured between its many groups and the Palestinian territories is split between the Hamas and Fatah movements. Iran is ruled by the religious clerics, and backed by the Revolutionary Guards. The odds are not good, but the agents of change continue to seek progress and reform despite constant surveillance, imprisonment and torture. In Egypt, it is for transparent and fair elections. In Lebanon, it is for civil engagement in the aftermath of Rafik Hariri's assassination. Iran hopes for a new interpretation of Islam and the Palestinians look for unity.
No book of the Middle East can really be complete without a discussion of Islam and some of the extremists. In Lebanon, there is a brief history of the Sunni / Shiite division. Iran includes a discussion on "jihad and ijtihad." The Egypt chapter includes the Muslim Brotherhood and its influence on Osama bin Laden. Hezbollah in Lebanon.
Highly recommended for a general introduction to the current situation in the Middle East. I myself may return to this book from time to time to refresh my memory.
The picture is stark and very clear: the reformers have an uphill battle to fight. The Middle East is riddled with turmoil, spurts of violence, and the familiar pattern of weak, corrupt or autocratic governments. In Egypt, it is the Mubarak regime and State Security. Syria has the Assad presidency and the Mukhabarat secret police. Multi-ethnic Lebanon is fractured between its many groups and the Palestinian territories is split between the Hamas and Fatah movements. Iran is ruled by the religious clerics, and backed by the Revolutionary Guards. The odds are not good, but the agents of change continue to seek progress and reform despite constant surveillance, imprisonment and torture. In Egypt, it is for transparent and fair elections. In Lebanon, it is for civil engagement in the aftermath of Rafik Hariri's assassination. Iran hopes for a new interpretation of Islam and the Palestinians look for unity.
No book of the Middle East can really be complete without a discussion of Islam and some of the extremists. In Lebanon, there is a brief history of the Sunni / Shiite division. Iran includes a discussion on "jihad and ijtihad." The Egypt chapter includes the Muslim Brotherhood and its influence on Osama bin Laden. Hezbollah in Lebanon.
Highly recommended for a general introduction to the current situation in the Middle East. I myself may return to this book from time to time to refresh my memory.
June 4, 2008
I saw Robin Wright interviewed on MSNBC a few months ago when this book came out and decided to read it in hopes of getting some clue about what's going on in the Middle East and who the players are.
An amazing tour de force by a woman who has been covering the Middle East for over 30 years. The title comes from a lament by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, who molded today's Turkey from the ruins of the old Ottoman Empire: "Neither sentiment nor illusion must influence our policy. Away with dreams and shadows! They has cost us dear in the past."
The book includes a prologue on the Middle East and then contains chapters on different countries/peoples: The Palestinians, Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Iran , Morocco, and Iraq and the United States.
She gives history but also is very interested in looking forward. One dust jacket blurb says, "Dreams and Shadows is a lucid and comprehensive look at tumultuous events that have shaped the Middle East and will continue to charts its future. Relying on thirty-five years of reporting, Wright provides a rich tapestry of information and insight that is enjoyable to read and will also go a long way in providing understanding of the Middle East and the challenges that it present U.S. foreign policy."
An amazing tour de force by a woman who has been covering the Middle East for over 30 years. The title comes from a lament by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, who molded today's Turkey from the ruins of the old Ottoman Empire: "Neither sentiment nor illusion must influence our policy. Away with dreams and shadows! They has cost us dear in the past."
The book includes a prologue on the Middle East and then contains chapters on different countries/peoples: The Palestinians, Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Iran , Morocco, and Iraq and the United States.
She gives history but also is very interested in looking forward. One dust jacket blurb says, "Dreams and Shadows is a lucid and comprehensive look at tumultuous events that have shaped the Middle East and will continue to charts its future. Relying on thirty-five years of reporting, Wright provides a rich tapestry of information and insight that is enjoyable to read and will also go a long way in providing understanding of the Middle East and the challenges that it present U.S. foreign policy."
December 29, 2014
Robin Wright is an excellent author, knowledgeable of the history and people of the Middle East, and it's a pleasure to read her analysis of the affairs of that region. This book, Dreams and Shadows, while becoming outdated since it was written prior to the "Arab Spring", still offers interesting insights into the turmoil in the Middle East at that time.
The author gives the reader insights into the history, the leaders, and key events which shape the countries in the region, specifically the Palestinian Territories, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Morocco and Turkey. My interest in reading the book, six years after being written and several years after the Arab Spring, was to see what changes may be observed in those. Sadly, the hope and change of the area is still something for the future. Egypt has seen one ex-military strongman go, and another come. The Palestinian Territories continue to be squeezed and continue the fight for a homeland for the displaced Palestinians, Syria is in turmoil worse than before, Iraq remains in a post-war mess, Iran's struggles continue, etc. While the author noted that the region, in 2006, was ready for and in need of change, change for the better still seems far off into the future.
The author gives the reader insights into the history, the leaders, and key events which shape the countries in the region, specifically the Palestinian Territories, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Morocco and Turkey. My interest in reading the book, six years after being written and several years after the Arab Spring, was to see what changes may be observed in those. Sadly, the hope and change of the area is still something for the future. Egypt has seen one ex-military strongman go, and another come. The Palestinian Territories continue to be squeezed and continue the fight for a homeland for the displaced Palestinians, Syria is in turmoil worse than before, Iraq remains in a post-war mess, Iran's struggles continue, etc. While the author noted that the region, in 2006, was ready for and in need of change, change for the better still seems far off into the future.
August 5, 2008
This was an informative and well-written analysis of the current state of affairs in a number of countries in the Middle East. Robin Wright has covered the Middle East for many publications over the past few decades, including The Los Angeles Times, The Sunday Times of London, CBS News, The Christian Science Monitor, The New York Times, The International Herald Tribune among many others. She currently writes for the Washington Post (I believe). Wright was able to interview leaders from all of the major forces at work in this troubled region of the world and included their many perspectives in her analysis. The book was published this year (2008) and is as up-to-date as a book can be. My favorite chapter is the last one, "Iraq and the United States", which does a very good job of explaining why the U.S. invasion of Iraq was a colossal failure and what the implications of our actions there are for the near future. To learn more about the book and the author, you can visit her website at:
http://www.robinwright.net/index.html
http://www.robinwright.net/index.html
June 23, 2009
Nice overview of the Middle East. She has extensive experience in the area (over 30 years, I believe she said) and has interviewed many key and sideline players. It seems well balanced and thoughtful. It covers a lot of territory - yes, pun intended - and is not I guesss the word is a 'comprehensive' history of the Middle East, but it is an excellent starting point in understanding some of the important issues, peoples, religions, and arguments involved in this area. She discusses the Palestinians, Egypt, Lebonon, Syria, Morocco, Iran, the Kurds, and Iraq each in separate sections with interview notes and a light historical perspective. My overall impression of the book is that the Middle Eastern peoples are struggling through fairly normal, although certainly not peaceful or humane, growing pains following their fairly recent release from colonial and/or dynastic rules. It's is worth reading and re-reading.
January 27, 2010
The title of this book is very apt; it details the dreams of the future in the Middle East along with the shadows cast over the present. While major parts of the book are filled with optimistic stories from the ground in places such as Lebanon and Morocco, you can’t help but come away with the notion that the shadows may not recede for a long, long time to come. This book is highly readable and informative for both the novice and expert of Middle Eastern geopolitics.
As an aside, while reading Dreams and Shadows I was struck with the thought that this is the type of book and the stories from the ground are what Tom Friedman used to write before he took his turn to self-righteousness. You can see shades of From Beirut to Jerusalem in all of the vignettes presented.
As an aside, while reading Dreams and Shadows I was struck with the thought that this is the type of book and the stories from the ground are what Tom Friedman used to write before he took his turn to self-righteousness. You can see shades of From Beirut to Jerusalem in all of the vignettes presented.
March 10, 2009
I listened to Robin Wright on a panel discussing Iran--US relations this morning on the Diane Rehm Show.
http://wamu.org/programs/dr/09/02/05....
It reminded me how much I enjoyed her very informative book, Dreams and Shadows: The Future of the Middle East and her refreshing, and deeply informed comments on middle east issues.
She details in this book just how unique each government and culture is in the middle east. They each must be approached in a unique way.
If you want a good, foundational understanding of Arab and Persian countries, read Robin Wright, and listen when she is interviewed.
http://wamu.org/programs/dr/09/02/05....
It reminded me how much I enjoyed her very informative book, Dreams and Shadows: The Future of the Middle East and her refreshing, and deeply informed comments on middle east issues.
She details in this book just how unique each government and culture is in the middle east. They each must be approached in a unique way.
If you want a good, foundational understanding of Arab and Persian countries, read Robin Wright, and listen when she is interviewed.
January 3, 2009
Can a nonfiction book [another book!] about the Mideast be a page turner? Yes indeed, this one is so far [I'm only 30 or so pages into it]. The author, recipient of the MacArthur genius grant, longtime journalist in the Mideast and all around Very Impressive woman opens by reporting that most Arab countries are heading, however glacially, toward democracy.
One of her points is that the mideast region is now the most stereotyped, and we need to see the reality, the diversity there.....the reason for some optimism.
More later.
One of her points is that the mideast region is now the most stereotyped, and we need to see the reality, the diversity there.....the reason for some optimism.
More later.
August 29, 2008
Superblious coverage of the most contemporary political atmosphere in the middle east. Country by country, she tells stories of the primary political players, unraveling their ambitions and giving them human faces. She makes every situation understandable, reminding the reader at every step of what we ought to know from personal experience, that politics in these countries is both far more familiar and FAR more complex than we tend to portray them in the west.
July 6, 2009
A very interesting look at the sprouts of democracy throughout the Middle East, country by country. The only flaw seemed to be a pervasive assumption that progress toward full democracy is inevitable. Although history may seem to vindicate this assumption, I can't help but think that there could be a nation at some point that bucks this trend.
Regardless, I am much more knowledgeable about the Middle East's democratic actors than I was before.
Regardless, I am much more knowledgeable about the Middle East's democratic actors than I was before.
Read
February 5, 2009Plenty of books are published on the Middle East each year, but critics describe few as "optimistic" or "balanced." Wright earns such praise from nearly every reviewer. Even those who clearly disagree with some of her conclusions assert that Dreams and Shadows is one of the best recent books on the region and its struggles. The most common complaint is that Wright did not devote enough attention to a particular topic
May 29, 2014
Overwhelmingly journalistic view-point is the characteristic of the respective book. Robin Wright builds her story telling, and not analysis, on the factual situation and rise in the conservative rightist constituencies in the pre-Arab Spring scenario. The book takes you through the peaking frustration of the Middle Eastern populace leading to a radical change in the near future - not that the geography might be able to absorb it or not.
May 23, 2017
Current events in Egypt, Morocco, Tunisia, Libya, Yemen and Bahrein make this a timely read. Wright has traveled and lived in these areas, and has had access to political and religious leaders. The chapter on Iraq was hard to read, because it made me feel angry, helpless, and hopeless. I read this with a current events book, and was glad that I had people to discuss it with.
June 8, 2018
Very interesting and enlightening contents, but organization is confusing with respect to time. While it doesn’t talk about Israel or Saudi Arabia therefore being incomplete, I read it anyway because it shows other parts of the middle east composed of hugely diverse peoples with monumental problems that we don’t know a lot about. This book is informative, without posing solutions.
September 1, 2015
Written in 2008, this book has been lapped by Robin Wright’s more recent ones. Nonetheless, I found it an excellent primer on the history of the Arab countries and the Palestinians. It is a good platform for attempting to sort out the confusing, insane, often terrifying, never-ending messiness.
June 9, 2017
"life in slavery isn't worth a dime in my eyes"-Akbar Ganji. This book is a must read for anyone who wants to understand "why there is chaos in middle east". Honestly this book helped me in getting to know the bigger picture on how tradition,culture and islam plays a role in their politics.
March 20, 2017
A fascinating read especially in light of how many momentous, unbelievable things have happened in the Middle East in the decade since this book was written.
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