THE MOST CONCLUSIVE ARGUMENT AGAINST ‘VOTER FRAUD’ IN THE 2020 ELECTION
Georgia secretary of state Brad Raffensperger wrote in the Foreword to this 2024 book, “The most frequent question I heard was simple: ‘How could Trump lose Georgia?’… 33,527 voters who requested a ballot in Georgia’s 2020 primaries… didn’t participate… in the 2020 general election. Also, there were 27,559 MORE votes for … Republican congressional candidates than President Trump received in the general election. (In other words, across Georgia, 27,559 voters were willing to vote for a Republican for Congress… but not for President Trump. Additionally, there were another 27,967 ballots cast in Georgia … [that] simply left that [presidential] contest blank. President Trump lost Georgia by 11,779 votes… these numbers … don’t require any special skills in data analysis. If you can understand subtraction, you can see exactly ‘how Trump could lose Georgia.’” (Pg. 12-13)
Author Ken Block wrote in the Introduction, “There may be no better-qualified person to discuss whether voter fraud impacted the 2020 presidential election than the person hired by the Trump campaign to find it. I am that person… While I am currently a registered Republican, I founded a centrist political party… the Moderate Party---in 2009 because I could not stand what partisan politics was doing to our country… My motivation for writing this book is to attempt to inject hard data into the national conversation regarding voter fraud and how we conduct our elections… Former President Trump has turned losing with grace into losing with disgrace. He has spawned a group of losing candidates who would rather howl about voter fraud---without justification---than display the leadership qualities demanded by the positions for which they ran… For these folks, the end goal has nothing to do with winning an election. It is about raising money or profile---or worse, about undermining our republic.” (Pg. 15-16)
He continues, “Millions of dollars have been spent looking for massive voter fraud, and dozens of court cases have been filed claiming massive voter fraud---all to no avail. As of the writing of this book, no evidence of organized, massive voter fraud has been discovered or documented anywhere in the United States. That said, the infrastructure with which we conduct our elections can be described, at best, as disjointed and, at worst, seriously lacking.” (Pg. 17)
He summarizes, “I was paid by the Trump campaign to look for evidence of massive voter fraud. I did so… I left no stone unturned. No evidence---at all---of massive voter fraud was discovered… And yet, to this day, former President Trump, failed politicians such as Kari Lake, and hangers-on such as Mike Lindell … talk about massive voter fraud as if it has been proven many times over. It is critical to set the record straight regarding voter fraud and the results of the 2020 election: it has never been proven, and most certainly had no role in impacting the results of the 2020 presidential election. The claim that voter fraud was the cause of former president Trump’s 2020 election loss has been disproven. Enough already.” (Pg. 20)
He begins Chapter 1, “The call came … the day after the 2020 election… [from] Alex Cannon, a lawyer for the Trump campaign… he asked if I would look for voter fraud… I wanted to make sure it was known that … I did not think it likely that I would find fraud sufficient to alter the outcome… The contract was signed on November 5, 2020.” (Pg. 23-25)
He explains, “If it seems odd to you that the Trump campaign contracted me to look for voter fraud when I told them it was unlikely to be found, you are probably unaware that there were (at least) two legal camps when it came to litigating the election. One camp consisted of the lawyers employed by the Trump campaign in early November… young professionals who had most of their careers ahead of them… they were unwilling to risk their reputations and careers on false claims and lawsuits. The other group consisted of more reckless lawyers, including Rudy Guiliani, John Eastman, and Sidney Powell, who legally pursued wildly false and unsubstantiated claims of voter fraud… Guiliani’s legal team took over all aspects of election litigation … as my project wound down.” (Pg. 31)
He says of Kari Lake’s claims, “The top statewide vote-getter in Arizona in 2022… was a Republican. Kimberly Yee… garnered 1,390,135 votes in her winning race… Lake lost her race for governor by more than 17,000 after netting 1,270,774 votes. Lake is trying to claim that a bizarre fraud … somehow spared Yee in her race for governor, which … [is] nonsense. Yee earned over 119,000 more votes than Lake in 2022. Notably, every statewide Republican candidate in Arizona but Yee embraced election conspiracy theories---and lost… Republicans can clearly win statewide elections in Arizona, but not by embracing far-out conspiracy theories.” (Pg. 35)
He admits, “People sometimes … [engage in] double voting in two states… [or] in the same state. There is no national infrastructure to identify instances of double voting, but voting twice in a federal election is a felony… with severe consequences… when I find duplicate votes, roughly 60 percent of the duplicate ballots are cast by voters registered as Republicans… Double voting appears to be a crime of privilege---those who can afford to own two homes are usually the ones who double vote.” (Pg. 38-39) He also explains, “The most likely explanation when two people with the same name and birth date cast a vote is that those are two different people, not one person committing a felony---more than 90 percent of the time.” (Pg. 43) Later, he adds, “Most of the claimed instances of a dead voter casting a mail ballot … [were] voters who cast a valid mail ballot and then died before Election Day… These voters passed away while their vote was in transit.” (Pg. 54) He admits, “noncitizen voting does happen, at least in small quantities… But the big question is: Do enough noncitizens vote to impact the results?” (Pg. 73-74)
He notes, “The Wisconsin absentee voter file did not contain information about votes cast in person on Election Day… The fraud claim was based on the reported … vote count of nearly 3,200,000 votes, but the data file they used lacked information for … 600,000 votes that were cast in person on the day of the election. The volunteers concluded that monumental voter fraud was the best possible explanation for the discrepancy... How is it possible that no one involved in making this claim stopped to ponder whether a reason other than fraud could explain this wild finding? Confirmation bias. There is no better explanation… Rational and intelligent people … exclusively search for information that confirms their existing beliefs, reject information that undermines their views… Confirmation bias drives how and where folks get their news… Social media plays a huge role in deepening confirmation bias’s hold on us… I passed my analysis of the Wisconsin volunteers’ claim back up the line. I never heard anything more about it.” (Pg. 49-50)
Turning to Trump lawyer Sidney Powell, he reports, “Powell is infamously attached to a set of election lawsuits she named the Kraken. She hyped these lawsuits as the ultimate proof of election fraud… The Kraken lawsuits were filed… they were filled with errors, typos, and raw read meat for followers of QAnon and others … In Michigan, Powell’s Kraken lawsuit flopped spectacularly… [The] Federal court judge … sanctioned Powell… for basing the case on unsubstantiated claims not backed by law or evidence… Powell quietly withdrew the Kraken lawsuits in Georgia… But for sure, Powell made a fortune while angering the federal judiciary with empty lawsuits…. Powell’s nonprofit legal group had raised more than $16 million in the year after the election.” (Pg. 57-58)
He notes, “The prosecuted cases of voter fraud where a vote was cast in the name of a deceased person… were not part of some industrialized voter fraud operation; they were family members choosing to commit a voting crime using their deceased family member’s identity… these deceased votes [illustrate]… a significant weakness in our election infrastructure---the inability to identify and remove dead voters… While some states do a reasonably good job of … removing dead voters, many more do not.” (Pg. 93-94)
He points out, “on September 3, 2020, President Trump told his supporters to try to vote twice, once by mail and then in person… Trump suggested attempting to vote twice as a way to stress-test voting systems, but what he was encouraging people to do was to try to cast illegal votes. I have no doubt that many of his supporters tried to commit felonious fraud due to this request… some of those fraudulent votes [may] have been cast and counted.” (Pg. 98)
He summarizes, “Cannon knew we did not find any evidence of substantial voter fraud… He said so many times to the January 6 Committee. He said so to Mark Meadows, Trump’s chief of staff… The unavoidable truth is that I looked for and failed to find fraud sufficient to overturn any election result. The Berkeley Research Group also looked for and could not find evidence of substantial voter fraud in their work for the Trump campaign… I disproved multiple claims of voter fraud… This was well understood up the chain of command within the Trump campaign.” (Pg. 111-112) He states, “Trump’s vote margin in the blue states was 4.08% LOWER than his 2016 margin.” (Pg. 133) He adds, “The 2020 race in Arizona was amazingly close. The state endured an intense focus on voter and election fraud after the election, which found no substantial fraud (remember Cyber Ninjas, who got paid millions and found nothing substantively wrong with the election?) There are plenty of viable reasons why Biden squeaked out a victory that do not include voter fraud.” (Pg. 138)
He reports, “Trump’s bad news is clearly not the Georgia GOP’s bad news… GOP governor Brian Kemp won in 2022… GOP secretary of state Brad Raffensperger won 52.23%.... against his Democratic challenger. And of course, Herschel Walker lost his US Senate runoff election against the Democratic incumbent… What is the difference between Kemp, Raffensperger, and Walker? Only Walker embraced election conspiracy theories.” (Pg. 148)
He observes, “Many more mail ballots were cast in 2020 than in 2016, for which we can thank COVID-19. President Trump received more mail ballot votes in 2020 than in 2016, although as a percentage of the vote, he got a smaller share in 2020… Trump’s lower percentage of the mail ballot vote in 2020 was likely because he exhorted his base not to vote by mail.” (Pg. 182)
This book will be absolute “must reading” for anyone studying the 2020 election.