A general discussion of `Fascist' ideas is succeeded by short surveys of several Fascist or National Socialist movements in Europe between the World Wars, noting similarities and differences. The volume discusses the particular characteristics of recurring aspects of fascism and how they relate to the movement as a whole. The book also evaluates the success of Fascist movements in achieving their aims and the degree to which the means contributed to the desired ends.
In the early 1960s, there was surprisingly little scholarship on the recent phenomenon of fascism. Since the end of the Second World War, historians and political scientists had largely abandoned the project of understanding one of the most important political tendencies of the century, preferring to focus on Marxism and older forms of political expression. Eugen Weber, along with Ernst Nolte and Stanley Payne (and later to be joined by Walter Laqueur and George L Mosse), was among the first to break with simplistic explanations for fascism as an aberration or a form of “nihilism” and to begin looking at what the fascists had actually done and said in order to frame a new understanding. His work on the Action Francaise had already established Weber as an expert of at least one region’s interwar far right, which may have led to his being tapped for this more internationally-based project.
This book is an attempt to understand fascism as an international concept, building on local cases to try to find common themes among various groups that identified with the label to varying degrees. It is not a true research project, with extensive archival sources and complete notations, but more of an essay of synthesis. Weber attempts to draw from secondary and translated sources in order to get some preliminary ideas out, which he hoped would be taken up and tested by future scholars. He sees fascism as significantly influenced by leftist concepts of syndicalism and socialism, but with an important grounding in nationalism, as posited by Rousseau and developed in a nineteenth-century liberal context, but also as fundamentally anti-liberal in its approach. He dismissed racialism as a “red herring” largely irrelevant to the fascist’s actual program, but sometimes used to whip up working class support for nationalistic enterprises. After Weber’s argument is complete, there are about 50 pages of selections from fascist writings to support his conclusions.
Language limitations may have led to some of this volume’s limitations. Weber was a scholar of French history, born in Romania, and working in the United States. Thus, sections on Romania, France, Belgium, and England are reasonably strong, and take the most recent scholarship into account, as well as including good source material from the fascists themselves. Weber relied on good secondary studies of Spain and Italy, making these discussions strong as well. When it comes to Germany, however, the problems are obvious. His primary sources are limited to materials which had been published in English. His narrative is limited in scope and context, and does not consider differences across time or between different members (and non-members) of the NSDAP. Much of his analysis appears to be based on the memoirs of Rauschning, a problematic source at best. He includes Quisling as a typical representative of “racialist National Socialism” but fails to quote from Mein Kampf at all.
One of the points Weber is at pains to make is that “fascism” and “national socialism” are terms which should not be used interchangeably, but his lack of understanding for the German form of national socialism undermines his argument. The national socialists with whom he is familiar (such as Codreanu in Romania, and Szalasi in Hungary) are so influenced by Mussolini and the Italian model of fascism that it becomes difficult to understand the distinction he is making. His analysis of national socialism is interesting, but arguably not representative of the model which would become dominant.
Later works would correct many of these problems, beginning with the English translation of Nolte’s Der Faschismus In Seiner Epoche ("Three Faces of Fascism"), which rapidly became the point of departure for future discussions of the links and differences between fascism and national socialism. If Weber’s work is less remembered today, he is still owed a debt of gratitude for being willing to be a pioneer at a time when not much material on the subject was available.
I have just completed this book and I found it to be an easy read and very interesting. Weber does not waste ink or paper with the amount of information he manages to fit into his well written and very digestible book. It is by no means comprehensive, it is however one of the early books written with specific attention on Fascism. Certainly a key book to own if you wish to have books on such subject matter.
Eugen Weber provides a solid survey of 20th century fascism, with chapters on Italy, Germany, Hungary, Romania, Britain, Spain, Belgium, and France. To explain its origins, Weber goes as far back as the origins of nationalism, which started out with more collectivist tendencies. Not itself a "reactionary" movement (though sometimes allied to reactionaries, who wanted to turn the clock back) and not mere mercenaries of the bourgeoisie, fascism was a rebellion against a liberal order perceived as corrupt and oligarchic. A rejection of liberalism and all of its trappings (parliament, individualism, constitutionalism), the movement would unite behind the leader, a powerful state, and in "corporatist" organization. This rebellion could find no home in complacent and complicit social democracy, nor in communism, whose internationalism was perceived as foreign influence (and sometimes "Jewish influence"). These often middle-class movements insisted that private property should be respected and that big business needs to be disciplined by the state. The middle classes were also susceptible to extreme anti-Semitism in places where Jews were seen more as business or professional competitors, rather than as legitimate members of the nation. In his chapter on socialism, Weber really tries to put the "socialism" back in National Socialism. Many fascist leaders began as socialists or were influenced by socialism (not just Mussolini), and many fascist movements incorporated socialist ideas in an attempt to win over working-class support with varying degrees of success. Weber's account provides enough facts to notice the contradictions between fascism and socialism, but Weber doesn't seem to draw this distinction as sharply as other writers like Robert Paxton. For Weber, a fascist can also be a socialist (like Otto Strasser or Ernst Roehm), even if that vision was not realized in the 1930s. In any case, fascist movements ended up making alliances with more conservative elements. Weber thinks that they might have eventually overtaken the conservatives in Germany had they won the war; in Spain the fascists were disposed of by the Spanish conservatives after the civil war ended in 1939. The book is very concise, but nevertheless full of interesting information. Occasional passages had interpretations that I did not quite understand or seemed to be mere opinion. Overall, it was worth the read.
Excellent study of Fascist and National Socialist movements that emerged in Europe between the World Wars, delving into their doctrine, history and leading personalities. Attention is paid to differentiate and compare the two ideologies as well as differentiate and compare them to Communism/Marxism which was reaping it's own bloody swath through Europe at the time.
Hitler and Mussolini, as the leading figures of National Socialism and Fascism are of course covered as are their countries, however it is when Weber delves into movements elsewhere such as Arrow Cross in Hungary, and the Iron Guard in Romania that the reader will find enlightening, if only in why these 4 movements succeeded in gaining power. Britain, Belgium, Spain and France are also studied as well as the various Fascist/National Socialist movements there and why they failed to gain power.
Included also is a selection of Fascist documents that the reader will find enlightening.
Really enjoyed this. Readable, clear arguments. The definitions of fascism were concise and included Marxism, nationalist socialism, and plain nationalism. Hoping 2025 American fascism will go the way of Oswald Mosley. And the extra original source readings were great. “Fascism was a great romantic adventure. Not reason, but feeling, dragged him along the road of passionate action. Fascism offered the men of Right what communism offer those of the Left: ‘the banners of revolution, the exaltation of the clan, the prestige of the leader, of his militias and his standards.’ People took fascism for a policy; for many of those who thought about it (for most did not) it was much more a question of style - a way of being of behaving of reacting to circumstances of life. For many of these enthusiasts, fascism was never a doctrine ‘but a great access of fever’”
Outside of the philosemitic obsessions here in there in this book it is a pretty objective lay out of the different varieties of Fascism and National Socialism. I enjoyed the read overall. It is very fascinating to learn the back stories of each countries third positionist variation. I highly recommend for anyone who is looking for a decent objective analysis of this time period or anyone who is interested in lists and varieties of political ideologies this is a book for you.
This book is like an apple. The first bites really gets you going but after a couple minutes (= chapters) it oxidizes and ends up quite bland. Varieties of Fascism begins in looking at the effects of 19th-18th century philosophy such as existentialism, nihilism, Deism and it's contribution of how society which naturally look to God for answers, ends up creating a government -or a form of - on which they could depend upon. In this book, that happens to be National Socialism or simply put, Fascism.
Despite the bombardment of historical accounts and examples of European countries that had its own far right movements, I found it difficult to understand how fascism is/was a right movement when to me all their movements seem depict today's leftist protests. Actually, as Weber inserts it in regards to fascism, communism, socialism to national socialism, there's actually no difference at all! Funny, but I'm inclined to agree.
I liked reading the book, but it was more of a 'look back' and criticism than an actual study. It had a deep but clever philosophical beginning that unfortunately drags on its historicity.
Since the parallels of Weimar are almost identical to that of America right now, it is befitting to brush up on the happenings of the political and social sphere of those times.
“Twentieth-Century Fascism is a by-product of disintegrating liberal democracy. Loss of hope in the possibilities of existing order and society, disgust with their corruption and ineffectiveness, above all the society’s evident loss of confidence in itself, all these produce or spur a revolutionary mood...”