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Eureka Stockade
Relating the facts behind the myth, this eyewitness account tells the vivid and accurate story of the horrific 1854 Eureka Stockade, a revolt against police and soldiers involving 120 miners from the Ballart gold mines in Australia that left 35 dead and a legacy of courage and freedom that has shaped ideas of Australian nationhood ever since.
208 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 1855
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About the author
Raffaello Carboni
12 books1 followerRaffaello Carboni was an Italian revolutionary and writer. He is primarily remembered now as the author of the main eyewitness account of events at the Eureka Stockade in Ballarat, Australia.
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Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews
October 13, 2010
What an important book for the political history of Australia.
May 20, 2009
Great works! Read after having seen the musical, with Chris Tomkinson as Carboni. Laughed out loud at one of his descriptions of Vern: "Three cheers for Vern! Go it hearty! Fine fellow! Legs rather too long! Never mind."
July 28, 2025
Carboni's was the first and indeed only published book-length account of the Ballarat rebellion by a participant. Yet despite repeatedly self-identifying as an "educated man", he fails to convey much other than his own moral pique and what appears, at least from his account, an overblown righteousness at the miners' situation.
Carboni identifies that it was the fact of the license fees at least as much as the government's method of policing them that was the primary cause of the rebellious feeling among the miners in 1852-54. He's convinced of the righteousness of this view, but never subjects it to any analysis. California had charged license fees, and on a more discriminatory basis than Victoria. Were the miners claiming a right to stake a claim (and to profit from any gold they found) free of charge? Carboni isn't clear on this point. What is clear in Carboni's account is that the miners felt that their license fees were incongruent with the amenities, including housing, the government had provided for them. But the licenses did not create a contract: they merely afforded the holder the right to mine on land the government had claimed (unlawfully, though that is another story) as its own. Rather, the miners' grievance was tied to the expectation of representation in exchange for taxation, though again, Carboni isn't clear on this point. In the 1850s, taxes were levied mainly from imports, legal drugs like alcohol and tobacco, and the sale of land: in this context, mining licenses would have indeed seemed outrageous, though it's difficult to imagine this from the vantage point of the 21st century.
Instead of analysis, what Carboni delivers is grievance and mere description, much of it poor, and too much of it bordering on an almost phrenological obsession with the shape of men's heads. His whole book reads like one side of an argument he's having with the government and its supporters in the press, but without articulating either the government's argument or, really, his own. Narratively incoherent and interspersed with frequent moralisms and quotations from scripture and other sources of morality, Carboni's account does little to enlighten.
Inherent in Carboni's own account, then, is the critique later made by Manning Clark and then even more famously by Humphrey McQueen: that rather than the birth of democracy and unionism, the Ballarat uprising was better characterised as the self-interested grievances of a group of get-rich-quick aspirants. On this view, the flag's adoption by the union movement was always problematic-- even more so when one considers the racial sentiments (ie anti-Chinese) behind the flag, which have been re-asserted in the 21st century by the far right.
This nevertheless historically significant account was at long last released as an audiobook by Voices of Today in 2025. Annoyingly the narrator, Gregory Dwyer, persists in pronouncing Peter Lalor's surname as "Lay-luh" instead of "Law-luh": this wouldn't have been difficult to check.
Carboni identifies that it was the fact of the license fees at least as much as the government's method of policing them that was the primary cause of the rebellious feeling among the miners in 1852-54. He's convinced of the righteousness of this view, but never subjects it to any analysis. California had charged license fees, and on a more discriminatory basis than Victoria. Were the miners claiming a right to stake a claim (and to profit from any gold they found) free of charge? Carboni isn't clear on this point. What is clear in Carboni's account is that the miners felt that their license fees were incongruent with the amenities, including housing, the government had provided for them. But the licenses did not create a contract: they merely afforded the holder the right to mine on land the government had claimed (unlawfully, though that is another story) as its own. Rather, the miners' grievance was tied to the expectation of representation in exchange for taxation, though again, Carboni isn't clear on this point. In the 1850s, taxes were levied mainly from imports, legal drugs like alcohol and tobacco, and the sale of land: in this context, mining licenses would have indeed seemed outrageous, though it's difficult to imagine this from the vantage point of the 21st century.
Instead of analysis, what Carboni delivers is grievance and mere description, much of it poor, and too much of it bordering on an almost phrenological obsession with the shape of men's heads. His whole book reads like one side of an argument he's having with the government and its supporters in the press, but without articulating either the government's argument or, really, his own. Narratively incoherent and interspersed with frequent moralisms and quotations from scripture and other sources of morality, Carboni's account does little to enlighten.
Inherent in Carboni's own account, then, is the critique later made by Manning Clark and then even more famously by Humphrey McQueen: that rather than the birth of democracy and unionism, the Ballarat uprising was better characterised as the self-interested grievances of a group of get-rich-quick aspirants. On this view, the flag's adoption by the union movement was always problematic-- even more so when one considers the racial sentiments (ie anti-Chinese) behind the flag, which have been re-asserted in the 21st century by the far right.
This nevertheless historically significant account was at long last released as an audiobook by Voices of Today in 2025. Annoyingly the narrator, Gregory Dwyer, persists in pronouncing Peter Lalor's surname as "Lay-luh" instead of "Law-luh": this wouldn't have been difficult to check.
March 21, 2017
Signor Carboni Raffaelo writes funny [& true!] anecdotes, the progress of history, some mediocre poetry, and an ability to communicate his own passion. To sketch out the events in the book loosely; it begins with Raffaelo's visit to Australia, his discovery of several ounces of gold, then his gradual engagement with local affairs. He & his fellow gold-diggers are repressed by a licence scheme, there is a murder-later revenged by vigilantes, fire, (mild) abuse of clergy, and the climax is a bloody rebellion against the colonial government (which at the time was terrified of democratic revolution), finally trails off with his trial and departure to Rome.
My own impression was of his own sincere belief in a Christian God, his belief in equality beyond race or religion (although scarcely mentions Australian Aboriginals), his awareness of world affairs (such as Field Marshall Lieutenant Haynau) and of a sense of alienation from the colonial world. He was a visitor, not any type of colonist. His trial, which I believe to be directly transcribed, has shockingly bizarre & absolutely hilarious speeches.
Signor Raffaelo records various Australian lingo, some now fallen out of pop. use, and peppers his book frequently with, "Great-Works!". "Spy Goodenough", occurs frequently and took me quite a while to grasp. It was rewarding to expand my awareness about national caricatures-'John Bull'; his pleasure in flames, and so deeply attached to commerce.
I recommend this book to anyone interested in Australia, this event even now carries social momentum (in the form of the Eureka Flag).
My own impression was of his own sincere belief in a Christian God, his belief in equality beyond race or religion (although scarcely mentions Australian Aboriginals), his awareness of world affairs (such as Field Marshall Lieutenant Haynau) and of a sense of alienation from the colonial world. He was a visitor, not any type of colonist. His trial, which I believe to be directly transcribed, has shockingly bizarre & absolutely hilarious speeches.
Signor Raffaelo records various Australian lingo, some now fallen out of pop. use, and peppers his book frequently with, "Great-Works!". "Spy Goodenough", occurs frequently and took me quite a while to grasp. It was rewarding to expand my awareness about national caricatures-'John Bull'; his pleasure in flames, and so deeply attached to commerce.
I recommend this book to anyone interested in Australia, this event even now carries social momentum (in the form of the Eureka Flag).
January 3, 2018
A hugely vital work, covering one of the most important events in white Australia's first century, written - of course - by an immigrant, in this case an Italian. The book was written and published within a year of the famous uprising, so bears the twin hallmarks of first-hand accounts but also inevitable biases. An engaging and necessary work for those interested in history. Carboni's language is that of an immigrant still dealing with a new language, but his every paragraph feels lived-in. More for passionate readers of the subject, admittedly.
March 21, 2020
An interesting read by the educated and pioneering Carboni. An incredibly important work to get a true feel for the time - such a rare document!
The colloquialisms are fascinating and Carboni's mix of foreign languages, Latin, French and some Italian, while not entirely necessary, serves to remind the reader how educated Carboni is.
Chronologically, it is a tad tricky to follow and this is definitely a text that would require a few re-reads. Not bad for a free book in any case (read on Kindle).
The colloquialisms are fascinating and Carboni's mix of foreign languages, Latin, French and some Italian, while not entirely necessary, serves to remind the reader how educated Carboni is.
Chronologically, it is a tad tricky to follow and this is definitely a text that would require a few re-reads. Not bad for a free book in any case (read on Kindle).
January 9, 2021
What can i say? Anything would sound inadequate compared to this flamboyant gold-rush era Italian polyglot's account of the passions and dust of the diggings and the short-lived Eureka rebellion. Just read it, if for nothing else- to be reminded of how English vernacular today has been stripped of its riches as was the land across the goldfields.
December 16, 2020
primary source for pivotal moment in Australian history; broken English even in prose but vivid portrayal of seminal events; fascinating
January 23, 2024
Its been a while since I reviewed a book, as I'm taking my time reading new ones. There is another book in the works on the history of sugar cane cutters. This however, is a classic I read a while ago.
Carboni was a participant in the Eureka Stockade. He was elected to the leading committee of the movement in the lead up to the massacre. His account is considered the original great work on the topic. Carboni found himself in the middle of revolutionary movements across the world during his life, notably fighting in the bourgeois movement to unify and modernise Italy.
The account starts with a description of colonial life and troubles. The violence that permeated everyday life was unbelievable. There were a number of instances where such monopolies made claim to an individual miner's territory. As the government was ineffective at managing these disputes, they were often solved "in the ring." The government was much more efficient at cracking down on individual licence holders, sending the police on regular "digger hunts," to arrest and fine miners for petty things such as leaving their licence at home.
These grievances, along with a scandal over how the courts handled a murder case (and subsequent burning of the local pub by a riotous mob) eventually boiled over into armed uprising, infamously repressed when the government troops, who already outnumbered and outmatched the rebels, stormed the Stockade on a Sunday.
There has been an enduring debate about the significance of the Eureka Stockade, with conservatives claiming it was a bourgeois uprising against an aristocratic government, and the Labour Movement claiming it was Australia's first strike. The question is made more complicated by a historical analysis of the relations of production. Various sources show that mine workers (and Shearers, according to both Spence and Merritt) had to purchase their own tools (meaning they owned some means of production), yet both famously organised into the AWU. At the same time, today we have witnessed the development of "sham contracting," where a company will engage people as contractors to avoid paying Award conditions, thereby hyperexploiting their workforce.
Carboni was a participant in the Eureka Stockade. He was elected to the leading committee of the movement in the lead up to the massacre. His account is considered the original great work on the topic. Carboni found himself in the middle of revolutionary movements across the world during his life, notably fighting in the bourgeois movement to unify and modernise Italy.
The account starts with a description of colonial life and troubles. The violence that permeated everyday life was unbelievable. There were a number of instances where such monopolies made claim to an individual miner's territory. As the government was ineffective at managing these disputes, they were often solved "in the ring." The government was much more efficient at cracking down on individual licence holders, sending the police on regular "digger hunts," to arrest and fine miners for petty things such as leaving their licence at home.
These grievances, along with a scandal over how the courts handled a murder case (and subsequent burning of the local pub by a riotous mob) eventually boiled over into armed uprising, infamously repressed when the government troops, who already outnumbered and outmatched the rebels, stormed the Stockade on a Sunday.
There has been an enduring debate about the significance of the Eureka Stockade, with conservatives claiming it was a bourgeois uprising against an aristocratic government, and the Labour Movement claiming it was Australia's first strike. The question is made more complicated by a historical analysis of the relations of production. Various sources show that mine workers (and Shearers, according to both Spence and Merritt) had to purchase their own tools (meaning they owned some means of production), yet both famously organised into the AWU. At the same time, today we have witnessed the development of "sham contracting," where a company will engage people as contractors to avoid paying Award conditions, thereby hyperexploiting their workforce.
January 24, 2014
Not a bad first-hand account of the event written in 1855. The author focused on what he saw and did, so other accounts were not included, nor the larger picture of what happened at the Eureka Stockade.
January 12, 2016
A fascinating first-hand account of the Eureka Stockade. It's told in an old-fashioned style that is a bit hard to follow at times, but I loved being able to read the thoughts of a person who was involved in the rebellion.
March 14, 2011
A mix of languages, styles, prose and poesy like Tristram Shandy.
It gets in the way of communication.
It gets in the way of communication.
Displaying 1 - 12 of 12 reviews