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Out Of The Barrio: Toward A New Politics Of Hispanic Assimilation
Are Hispanics “making it”—achieving the American dream following the pattern of other ethnic groups? This controversial book shatters the myth that 20 million His panics—fast becoming the nation’s largest minority—are a permanent underclass. Chavez considers the radical implications for bilingual education, immigration policy, and affirmative action.
- GenresSociology
224 pages, Paperback
First published October 30, 1991
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Displaying 1 - 6 of 6 reviews
November 13, 2017
Ms Chavez makes a compelling case that identifying any group as victims of society so that as a group they may accept entitlements tends to keep them dependent and unassimilated. The reason for this is that to continue receiving government largess they must continue to be victims and avoid the blessings of personal achievement and assimilation into the mainstream of the American Dream.
I found her writing to be clear and cogent. To enjoy it, however, one must not be put off by statistics.
I found her writing to be clear and cogent. To enjoy it, however, one must not be put off by statistics.
February 19, 2014
It's a must read to understand the extent of sad self hatred that Latinas who never learned to be comfortable in their skin must feel. Ms Chavez would have us (latinas) paint ourselves white and never look back. Sad, sad, sad....
September 1, 2022
This controversial book presents an interesting argument against bilingual education and for complete Hispanic assimilation to American culture. The final chapter is the most important in that it encapsulates the entire book in about twenty pages.
April 25, 2026
A PROVOCATIVE BOOK THAT ENCOURAGES ASSIMILATION, NOT GOVERNMENT ASSISTANCE
Linda L. Chavez (b. 1947) is an American author, columnist, radio talk show host, and Fox News analyst. She also held various positions during the Ronald Reagan presidential administration.
She wrote in the Preface to the paperback edition of this 1991 book, “I expected strong reaction to the publication of [this book], and I got more than I bargained for. Some Hispanic leaders attacked… the author, colorfully comparing me to villains in popular horror movies. Protesters picketed my appearances at a number of university campuses… Some of what I said … clearly touched a nerve in the Hispanic community, but the reaction has been far from uniformly negative. Students, parents and teachers have been anxious to share their own frustrating experiences with bilingual education. Successful Hispanic professionals … have been eager to confide their misgivings about affirmative action and government assistance programs. Even critics of the book have admitted that it raises important questions about dependency and the politics of victimization...
“Young Hispanics are less willing than their elders to ascribe their problems solely to discrimination… In their own eyes, young Hispanics are not helpless victims of societal prejudice… yet the political rhetoric of Hispanic leaders often seems oddly out of sync with the success of this new generation, as does public policy… It is my hope that [this book] will also provoke real and sustained debate on how best to achieve the economic, social, and political integration of the Hispanic community.”
In the Introduction, she wrote, “Previous immigrants had been eager to become ‘American,’ to learn the language, to fit in. But the entitlements of the civil rights era encouraged Hispanics to maintain … their separate identity, in return for the rewards of being members of an officially recognized minority group. Assimilation gave way to affirmative action.” (Pg. 5)
She observes, “the evidence suggests that Hispanics are making real progress today. What’s more, if ever the analogy between blacks and Hispanics was a fair one, it no longer is. Most native-born Hispanics have leaped over blacks in achievement, and those Hispanics who are most disadvantaged are… recent immigrants. Still, Hispanic leaders insist that all Hispanics should be entitled to affirmative action and other ethnic entitlements… Hispanics are succeeding as most other groups before them did, by acquiring the education and skills to advance in this society.” (Pg. 6)
She continues, “The story of Hispanic progress and achievement is largely untold. Hispanics are still regarded and treated as a permanently disadvantaged minority… The purpose of this book is to tell the story of that progress. But it is also to warn that attempts to keep Hispanics outside the mainstream of this society---speaking their own language, living in protected enclaves, entitled to privileges based on disadvantages---could derail that progress.” (Pg. 6)
She reports, “The claim that Hispanics had a right to bilingual education under civil rights laws… All of these cases advanced the idea that bilingual and, especially, bicultural education were good for Hispanic children, regardless of whether they could already speak English. This was a far cry from the original purpose of the Bilingual Education Act, which was simply to help non-English-speaking children learn how to read and write, to add and subtract, in their native language while they learned English… however, Congress gave its stamp of approval to this new direction.” (Pg. 16-17)
She states, “The charge that bilingual education leads to more segregation of Hispanic students has plagued the program from the beginning. Some of the congressional modifications in the program to allow more English-speaking children to participate were motivated by a desire to decrease the amount of segregation otherwise brought about by the program.” (Pg. 34)
She states, “Native-language instruction serves only to reinforce … ethnic identity in the face of the inevitable pressure to assimilate. Most advocates of bilingual education deem this a worthy goal, but … They fear… that public financial support for bilingual education would evaporate if it were presented as a way to preserve the language and culture of a single ethnic group.” (Pg. 37)
She asserts, “The manipulation of immigration data to create Hispanic electoral seats continues to provoke controversy, especially when it involves illegal aliens… many people find it objectionable that the growing Hispanic political clout is based at least partly on the granting of representation to people who have no legal right to be here.” (Pg. 53) Later, she adds, “If Hispanics are ENTITLED to Hispanic elected officials in areas where their proportion of the population is high, what about areas where it is low? The natural corollary … is that non-Hispanics can best represent the interests of non-Hispanics. This is a dangerous game for any minority to play.” (Pg. 57) She goes on, “in order to keep federal protection, Hispanics must continue to fail… And will Hispanics who have achieved middle-class status want to have their political fate linked to that of impoverished immigrants?” (Pg. 59)
She argues that the major Hispanic organizations, “for all their influence on public policy toward Hispanics, are not directly accountable to the community...[who] does not elect the leaders of these organizations… the future they envision for Hispanics is one in which Hispanics attain permanent entitlement status based on ethnicity. It is not one in which Hispanics, like other groups before them, choose to become part of the mainstream. These groups frequently speak of ‘empowering’ Hispanics, but it is difficult to imagine how defining Hispanics as members of the ‘protected class’ will achieve this aim.” (Pg. 82-83)
She contends, “most Americans support immigration with a caveat---the expectation that immigrants adapt themselves to the language, values, and mores of this nation. It is a social contract ... When Hispanics insist they do not have to follow the same rules as every group before them, they threaten the contract.” (Pg. 94) She adds, “If Hispanics choose… to maintain their native language for use within their families, communities, and churches, they… cannot insist… that the larger community must bend to their demand for public recognition of Spanish… Nor should Hispanics expect Americans willingly to abandon more than two hundred years of tradition as a unilingual society.” (Pg. 98-99)
She summarizes, “In fact, a careful examination of the voluminous data… gathered by federal agencies shows that, as a group, Hispanics have made progress in this society and that most of them have moved into the social and economic mainstream… Hispanics… work hard, support their own families without outside assistance, have more education and higher earnings than their parents… In short, they are pursuing the American Dream---with increasing success.” (Pg. 107)
But she also notes, “Although the overwhelming majority of Latinos who immigrate legally indicate they intend to live permanently in the United States, most never become American citizens… the lowest naturalization rates occurs among Mexican immigrants…. The clearest explanation for low naturalization rates among Mexicans is their proximity to their native land… But other factors… [include] their perception that U.S. citizenship would not provide them with added privileges or benefits.” (Pg.130-131)
She asserts, “the rationale for treating Hispanics as permanently disadvantaged may be running out. At some point, policy makers are bound to recognize that there are important differences between the native-born Hispanic population and Hispanic immigrants. When they do, Hispanic leaders may find it more difficult to base their claim to civil rights entitlements on the backs of immigrants, whose poverty is temporary, and for whom this society offers greater opportunity and equity than they would dream of obtaining in their homeland.” (Pg. 138)
But in her chapter, ‘The Puerto Rican Exception,’ she acknowledges, “By 1960 half of all Puerto Rican families were … receiving some form of public assistance.” (Pg. 142) She adds, “the prognosis for many … Puerto Ricans is not good… Puerto Rican families are becoming increasingly dysfunctional. The illegitimacy rate for Puerto Rican babies is now over 50%… Puerto Rican women swell the welfare rolls of New York City… Almost half of these women have never held a job. Puerto Ricans are being left behind not just by whites but by other Hispanics as well. (Pg. 158)
Obviously a controversial book, and one that resounded strongly with some during the Reagan years, this book still has value for those observing current issues affecting Latinos and immigrants under Trump.
Linda L. Chavez (b. 1947) is an American author, columnist, radio talk show host, and Fox News analyst. She also held various positions during the Ronald Reagan presidential administration.
She wrote in the Preface to the paperback edition of this 1991 book, “I expected strong reaction to the publication of [this book], and I got more than I bargained for. Some Hispanic leaders attacked… the author, colorfully comparing me to villains in popular horror movies. Protesters picketed my appearances at a number of university campuses… Some of what I said … clearly touched a nerve in the Hispanic community, but the reaction has been far from uniformly negative. Students, parents and teachers have been anxious to share their own frustrating experiences with bilingual education. Successful Hispanic professionals … have been eager to confide their misgivings about affirmative action and government assistance programs. Even critics of the book have admitted that it raises important questions about dependency and the politics of victimization...
“Young Hispanics are less willing than their elders to ascribe their problems solely to discrimination… In their own eyes, young Hispanics are not helpless victims of societal prejudice… yet the political rhetoric of Hispanic leaders often seems oddly out of sync with the success of this new generation, as does public policy… It is my hope that [this book] will also provoke real and sustained debate on how best to achieve the economic, social, and political integration of the Hispanic community.”
In the Introduction, she wrote, “Previous immigrants had been eager to become ‘American,’ to learn the language, to fit in. But the entitlements of the civil rights era encouraged Hispanics to maintain … their separate identity, in return for the rewards of being members of an officially recognized minority group. Assimilation gave way to affirmative action.” (Pg. 5)
She observes, “the evidence suggests that Hispanics are making real progress today. What’s more, if ever the analogy between blacks and Hispanics was a fair one, it no longer is. Most native-born Hispanics have leaped over blacks in achievement, and those Hispanics who are most disadvantaged are… recent immigrants. Still, Hispanic leaders insist that all Hispanics should be entitled to affirmative action and other ethnic entitlements… Hispanics are succeeding as most other groups before them did, by acquiring the education and skills to advance in this society.” (Pg. 6)
She continues, “The story of Hispanic progress and achievement is largely untold. Hispanics are still regarded and treated as a permanently disadvantaged minority… The purpose of this book is to tell the story of that progress. But it is also to warn that attempts to keep Hispanics outside the mainstream of this society---speaking their own language, living in protected enclaves, entitled to privileges based on disadvantages---could derail that progress.” (Pg. 6)
She reports, “The claim that Hispanics had a right to bilingual education under civil rights laws… All of these cases advanced the idea that bilingual and, especially, bicultural education were good for Hispanic children, regardless of whether they could already speak English. This was a far cry from the original purpose of the Bilingual Education Act, which was simply to help non-English-speaking children learn how to read and write, to add and subtract, in their native language while they learned English… however, Congress gave its stamp of approval to this new direction.” (Pg. 16-17)
She states, “The charge that bilingual education leads to more segregation of Hispanic students has plagued the program from the beginning. Some of the congressional modifications in the program to allow more English-speaking children to participate were motivated by a desire to decrease the amount of segregation otherwise brought about by the program.” (Pg. 34)
She states, “Native-language instruction serves only to reinforce … ethnic identity in the face of the inevitable pressure to assimilate. Most advocates of bilingual education deem this a worthy goal, but … They fear… that public financial support for bilingual education would evaporate if it were presented as a way to preserve the language and culture of a single ethnic group.” (Pg. 37)
She asserts, “The manipulation of immigration data to create Hispanic electoral seats continues to provoke controversy, especially when it involves illegal aliens… many people find it objectionable that the growing Hispanic political clout is based at least partly on the granting of representation to people who have no legal right to be here.” (Pg. 53) Later, she adds, “If Hispanics are ENTITLED to Hispanic elected officials in areas where their proportion of the population is high, what about areas where it is low? The natural corollary … is that non-Hispanics can best represent the interests of non-Hispanics. This is a dangerous game for any minority to play.” (Pg. 57) She goes on, “in order to keep federal protection, Hispanics must continue to fail… And will Hispanics who have achieved middle-class status want to have their political fate linked to that of impoverished immigrants?” (Pg. 59)
She argues that the major Hispanic organizations, “for all their influence on public policy toward Hispanics, are not directly accountable to the community...[who] does not elect the leaders of these organizations… the future they envision for Hispanics is one in which Hispanics attain permanent entitlement status based on ethnicity. It is not one in which Hispanics, like other groups before them, choose to become part of the mainstream. These groups frequently speak of ‘empowering’ Hispanics, but it is difficult to imagine how defining Hispanics as members of the ‘protected class’ will achieve this aim.” (Pg. 82-83)
She contends, “most Americans support immigration with a caveat---the expectation that immigrants adapt themselves to the language, values, and mores of this nation. It is a social contract ... When Hispanics insist they do not have to follow the same rules as every group before them, they threaten the contract.” (Pg. 94) She adds, “If Hispanics choose… to maintain their native language for use within their families, communities, and churches, they… cannot insist… that the larger community must bend to their demand for public recognition of Spanish… Nor should Hispanics expect Americans willingly to abandon more than two hundred years of tradition as a unilingual society.” (Pg. 98-99)
She summarizes, “In fact, a careful examination of the voluminous data… gathered by federal agencies shows that, as a group, Hispanics have made progress in this society and that most of them have moved into the social and economic mainstream… Hispanics… work hard, support their own families without outside assistance, have more education and higher earnings than their parents… In short, they are pursuing the American Dream---with increasing success.” (Pg. 107)
But she also notes, “Although the overwhelming majority of Latinos who immigrate legally indicate they intend to live permanently in the United States, most never become American citizens… the lowest naturalization rates occurs among Mexican immigrants…. The clearest explanation for low naturalization rates among Mexicans is their proximity to their native land… But other factors… [include] their perception that U.S. citizenship would not provide them with added privileges or benefits.” (Pg.130-131)
She asserts, “the rationale for treating Hispanics as permanently disadvantaged may be running out. At some point, policy makers are bound to recognize that there are important differences between the native-born Hispanic population and Hispanic immigrants. When they do, Hispanic leaders may find it more difficult to base their claim to civil rights entitlements on the backs of immigrants, whose poverty is temporary, and for whom this society offers greater opportunity and equity than they would dream of obtaining in their homeland.” (Pg. 138)
But in her chapter, ‘The Puerto Rican Exception,’ she acknowledges, “By 1960 half of all Puerto Rican families were … receiving some form of public assistance.” (Pg. 142) She adds, “the prognosis for many … Puerto Ricans is not good… Puerto Rican families are becoming increasingly dysfunctional. The illegitimacy rate for Puerto Rican babies is now over 50%… Puerto Rican women swell the welfare rolls of New York City… Almost half of these women have never held a job. Puerto Ricans are being left behind not just by whites but by other Hispanics as well. (Pg. 158)
Obviously a controversial book, and one that resounded strongly with some during the Reagan years, this book still has value for those observing current issues affecting Latinos and immigrants under Trump.
January 1, 2010
Reading this book you get the feeling it was originally a 50-page public policy paper. Statistics sometimes appear twice, arguments become fluffy and long, overall you get the impression it was elongated to fit its present length. That being said, her analysis of Hispanic success, the deceptions used by ethnic leaders to preserve their personal power, and her more plural and honest view of Hispanic history, all ring true and are very welcome.
February 12, 2008
Eye-opening data about the advancement of Hispanics. She addresses a number of sub-groups - Mexicans, Cubans, etc. - but the most important detail is that second generation Hispanics generally do as well as any other second generation immigrant group.
Displaying 1 - 6 of 6 reviews