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The Secret Coalition: Ike, LBJ, and the Search for a Middle Way in the 1950s
The politics of the 1950s revolved around two primary leaders, one Republican and one Democrat—both moderate, and both willing to compromise to move the nation forward.
The Republican leader was President Dwight Eisenhower. His two administrations changed American politics. Ike’s desire to be president of all the people, to run his administration down the middle of the road, to be a “modern” Republican, set the stage for what the Republican Party would be for decades to come. His politics of moderation triggered a backlash from the party’s right wing that eventually grew into a conservative surge that reached fruition in the following decades.
Standing astride the opposition was the Democratic leader in the Senate, Lyndon Johnson. At age 44, Johnson was the youngest leader in Senate history. His willingness to join forces with Eisenhower in the president’s battles against isolationism and reaction in his own party, along with the willingness of both men to compromise rather than engage in a politics of search and destroy, turned the 1950s into an era of political moderation.
In The Secret Coalition , Gary A. Donaldson insightfully explores a period in U.S. history that many Americans regard as an “Era of Good Feeling”—when the two parties got along, and the nation achieved some sort of equilibrium and cooperation.
The Republican leader was President Dwight Eisenhower. His two administrations changed American politics. Ike’s desire to be president of all the people, to run his administration down the middle of the road, to be a “modern” Republican, set the stage for what the Republican Party would be for decades to come. His politics of moderation triggered a backlash from the party’s right wing that eventually grew into a conservative surge that reached fruition in the following decades.
Standing astride the opposition was the Democratic leader in the Senate, Lyndon Johnson. At age 44, Johnson was the youngest leader in Senate history. His willingness to join forces with Eisenhower in the president’s battles against isolationism and reaction in his own party, along with the willingness of both men to compromise rather than engage in a politics of search and destroy, turned the 1950s into an era of political moderation.
In The Secret Coalition , Gary A. Donaldson insightfully explores a period in U.S. history that many Americans regard as an “Era of Good Feeling”—when the two parties got along, and the nation achieved some sort of equilibrium and cooperation.
256 pages, Hardcover
First published September 2, 2014
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About the author
Gary A. Donaldson
16 books7 followersA specialist in 20th century American history, Gary Donaldson is Keller Family Foundation Chair in American History at Xavier University of Louisiana.
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Displaying 1 - 8 of 8 reviews
November 20, 2016
Donaldson not only discusses the working relationship between Eisenhower and Johnson but also provides a brief history of politics in the 1950s. The author provides a brief biography of FDR, Truman, Eisenhower, Johnson, General MacArthur, Senator Bird and Strom Thurmond to furnish the read with a basic understanding of the people involved and the workings of the government at the time. Donaldson’s claims that Eisenhower’s politics and moderate, middle of the road administration triggered the backlash from the right-wing Republicans that is still being felt today.
Donaldson provided some information I was totally unaware of. He claims that as the Cold War progressed the far-right wing members of the Republican Party became more upset with Eisenhower. They were isolationist and adamant against communism, and were demanding Eisenhower engaging in military action including a pre-emptive nuclear strike against the USSR. According to Donaldson they stated Eisenhower’s policy of peaceful co-existence was in fact appeasement.
Donaldson also reveals the problems that Johnson had with the left-wing Democrats with his compromises with Eisenhower to get bills passed. The Civil Rights movement was starting and the Democrats thought Johnson was giving in to the right-wing Republicans on civil rights.
Some authors claim that the period of the Eisenhower administration was a “time of good feelings” but Donaldson set out to prove it was not. I lived through this period but the book provided me with information I was not aware of and insights into the politics of the time as compared with today. If you are interested in history or politics, you will find this short book informative.
Gregory St. John did an excellent job narrating the book. St. John is an actor and audiobook narrator.
Donaldson provided some information I was totally unaware of. He claims that as the Cold War progressed the far-right wing members of the Republican Party became more upset with Eisenhower. They were isolationist and adamant against communism, and were demanding Eisenhower engaging in military action including a pre-emptive nuclear strike against the USSR. According to Donaldson they stated Eisenhower’s policy of peaceful co-existence was in fact appeasement.
Donaldson also reveals the problems that Johnson had with the left-wing Democrats with his compromises with Eisenhower to get bills passed. The Civil Rights movement was starting and the Democrats thought Johnson was giving in to the right-wing Republicans on civil rights.
Some authors claim that the period of the Eisenhower administration was a “time of good feelings” but Donaldson set out to prove it was not. I lived through this period but the book provided me with information I was not aware of and insights into the politics of the time as compared with today. If you are interested in history or politics, you will find this short book informative.
Gregory St. John did an excellent job narrating the book. St. John is an actor and audiobook narrator.
December 4, 2021
Gary A. Donaldson's The Secret Coalition: Ike, LBJ, and the Search for a Middle Way in the 1950s is a fascinating piece of political history. Donaldson explains the political landscape of this era, demonstrating the moderation on both sides of the aisle, the two people (IKE and LBJ) most responsible for it, and the factors for its rise and demise.
If you are frustrated by political polarization and want to understand "how we got here," this is a great book to read. The 50s was a pivotal decade, a transition from FDR and Truman's liberal paternalism of the 30s and 40s to the moderation of IKE and LBJ to the rise of new coalitions. The Democratic coalition (fairly solid and increasingly liberal) garnered control of the Northeast and most of the nations industrial regions, pp. 182f). The rising Republican coalition (increasingly fiscally conservative) took the South and Western states.
Donaldson takes us on a walk though the decade, from the postwar politics of the 40s to JFK and the election of 1960. Along the way he points out the rise of political moderation, congressional shared objectives, why people liked IKE but not the Republicans, how Eisenhower and Senate leader Lyndon Johnson forged a working relationship (one that benefited both men), and the political pendulum swing that left Eisenhower a weak lame duck and Johnson a Vice President rather than President.
I thought Donaldson's conclusion, "The End of a Decade and the Beginning of the Future of American Politics" was particularly insightful as he addressed the changing African American vote, the rise of image over issue as a deciding factor in American politics, as well as the shape and geographical boundaries of the Democratic and Republican parties.
My recommendation:
Read this book if you want to understand an era, the two key political figures in it, and how the past (the 50s) has shaped the present political scene. The Secret Coalition won't give you much on the personal relationship between IKE and LBJ, but it shines when it comes to their personalities, political allies, and politics (e.g. IKE's moderation and LBJ's presidential hesitations). Donaldson also helped me see the "politics of Civil Rights" in new light; and how a leader adapts (or not) to a changing culture can make all the difference in tenure and effectiveness. The Secret Coalition is highly readable. I was 120 pages in when I realized I was humming along, thoroughly engaged with both his content and literary style.
Why I picked up this book:
I am intrigued by LBJ. He is an enigma both personally and politically. And while I am on a quest to read a biography of every president, I have read volumes on "the master of the Senate" (thank you Robert Caro). When I find a work on LBJ, I pick it up. So, for me, reading The Secret Coalition was more about understanding our 36th President (LBJ) than it was Dwight D. Eisenhower or the decade of the 1950s. At the same time, context influences all of us, so having this contextual background was very helpful -- and reading the book, Donaldson knows the context.
About the author:
Gary A. Donaldson was the Keller Foundation Chair in American History at Xavier University of Louisiana in New Orleans. He has authored numerous books on American political and diplomatic history including America at War since 1945: Politics and Diplomacy in Korea, Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan , The Making of Modern America: The Nation from 1945 to the Present , and The First Modern Campaign: Kennedy, Nixon, and the Election of 1960.
Pivotal Political Moments:
1945 - FDR dies at Warm Springs, Georgia on April 2. Truman becomes President.
1946 - Truman's approval rating plummets from 87 to 32; is still lauded by the "common man."
1948 - Birth of the States Rights Democrats ("Dixiecrats); halted Civil Rights under "States Rights."
1948 - Truman wins re-election, surprising Dewey and the nation. Caretaker of the New Deal.
1948 - The Class of '48 (Stevenson, Humphrey, LBJ, JFK for a second term). Taft, face of GOP.
1950 - North Korea invades South Korea, US enters Korean War. Calls on Eisenhower to lead.
1952 - Eisenhower/Nixon win Presidential race.
1952 - 83rd Congress (IKE/LBJ forge "moderate" partnership). At 44, LBJ youngest Senate leader.
1954 - The rise and now fall of Joseph McCarthy ("Have you no sense of decency, sir, at long last?").
1957 - The Civil Rights Bill of 1957, the first Civil Rights law in 82 years.
1957 - Soviets launch Sputnik. Space race usurped the place of civil rights in national spotlight. "The launch of Sputnik had a major impact on the nation's politics mostly because it allowed the Democrats to take control of the national defense policy from Eisenhower and the Republicans" (p. 135).
1958 - The rise of Barry Goldwater as the successor the Taft as the leader of the Republican right. 122
1958 - NASA (National Aeronautics and Space Administration) established.
1958 - National Recession (unemployment at 7%).
1958 - Midterm elections: A Democratic landslide (36 seat majority in Senate; 128 seat majority in House).
1959 - Democratic landslides make moderation of IKE and LBJ problematic. Rise of polarization.
1960 - JFK becomes 35th President of the United States. Rise of GOP conservatives.
Politics of Civil Rights (a few examples):
1. The "political necessity" of a Civil Rights Bill: "Eisenhower had done well among black voters in the 1956 election, which convinced the Democrats that if they did not pass a civil rights bill before the 1958 midterm elections they might lose the African American vote entirely" (p. 124).
2. LBJ's compromise bill of 1957: Satisfy those who wanted one without offending the southern segregationists (p. 124-5).
3. The violence over school desegregation: Desegregation and the Southern Democratic response to it. This incident pulled back the curtain on the intentions of Southern lawmakers (p 134). See also page 94, 106.
Leadership lessons:
1. Leaders and their seconds: IKE never endorsed Nixon as his successor. See pages 80, 93. See also page 165 on the importance of seconds and succession (p. 165-167, 172). Nixon's biographer at the juncture said that hurt him deeply.
2. See the bigger picture: In the 1948 election, Truman saw the bigger picture and utilized it to accomplish his political goals. Question: How does a leader effectively assess the "bigger picture?" (p. 7f).
3. Indecision is a leader's death knell: Truman was a decision-maker. He may have been weak in other areas, but he knew that as a leader, he must make decisions. Donaldson shows that indecision is a leader's Achilles heel, whether that be Stevenson (election of 1944, p. 17), or IKE's response to Sputnik or Cuba (p. 162), or LBJ's unwillingness to declare himself an early candidate in the 1960 presidential race. See also page 133, 135 (Ike's "angst factor"), 148 (act in crisis).
4. Yes they are talking about you, get over it. IKE's diaries were very critical of Truman, Nixon and others. Leaders need to know that people have their opinions, and they are just that. Get over it and move on to what you need to do. See page 26, 92 (OMW).
5. Relationships precede everything: See page 30 for Time's analysis of why Taft lost his primary race. "He is abrupt and cold . . ."
6. Sometimes leaders hold their tongues: LBJ exercised political wisdom in refusing to criticize McCarthy. He determined to let McCarthy self-destruct rather than risk political capital with the far right of the Republican party in Congress. See page 57.
7. The power of a well-timed word: Joseph Welch, Army special counsel in response to Joe McCarthy's overly critical tirade against Welch assistant, Fred Fisher (in a televised hearing): "Have you no sense of decency, sir, at long last" (p. 67) This was the beginning of the end for McCarthy and McCarthism. See also Goldwater's speech in '57, "a game changer"; American politics would never quite be the same (p. 121-2).
8. Leader's, get out of your office and on the road: It was IKE's European travel that exposed him to the autobahn and gave him the vision for the Federal Highway Act and the Interstate Highway system. See pages 88-89.
9. Know your leadership strength and lean into it. "Foreign policy was undoubtedly the president's strength, his heritage, and the foundation of his popularity" (p. 116). At the same time, one must live in the tension of personal strength (LBJ, political genius and coalition builder) and changing times (1960 election and the rise of TV and image). LBJ wanted to point to his expertise, but JFK understood image trumped expertise. See page 185. IKE: "I am a 'conservative when it comes t0 money and a liberal when it comes to human beings" (p. 40)
10. It's complicated. Beware of reductionism. Politics and leadership . . . it's just complicated. See pages 130, 131, 132.
11. Leaders need to understand their context: When it came to he launching of Sputnik, Americans had the perception the Soviet's were stronger. Ike blew off the event but the nation didn't. "Perception is stronger than muscle." OMW See pages 137, 160-1. Ike and LBJ both didn't see the changing nature of communication medium with the rise of television. See page 165 (they were not alone in this, Stevenson also missed it).
12. Don't quit! Babe Ruth is noted as saying, "It is hared to beat a person who never gives up." JFK symbolized this in 1960. See page 169.
LBJ Observations and Insights:
1. LBJ, the coalition builder: The Dems lost in '52. "George Reedy, one of LBJ's chief advisors and strategists, said later that the defeat was so extreme that 'it was generally though that nobody could pull the Democrats together' again." See page 456 (for this and impact of Richard Russell).
2. LBJ, the youngest party leader at 44. LBJ sailed with the political winds (see page 179).
3. LBJ, description of: "into this . . . vacuum has blown a tornado from the Southwest, a Texas-sized hunk of perpetual motion named Lyndon Johnson." He "is a political orator. He sense political situations, understands individual motivations and moves swiftly to organize party positions by reasoning with individuals on an individual basis." see page 48. Called a "political genius" by his enemies (p. 150).
4. LBJ, Influence: The Johnson Rule (see page 49). Broke Senate conservatives to form a coalition that got things done (see page 49). Power of persuasion: At the end of his Senate tenure, Johnson said, "the only real power available to the leader is the power of persuasion. There is no patronage, no power to discipline, no authority to fire Senators like the president can fire his members of the Cabinet" (p. 48). As coalition builder with Ike, page 74.
5. LBJ, the vote counter and political tactician: See page 79 on public housing bill. Everyone thought he would go down in defeat, but LBJ "counted votes and prepared to strike."
6. LBJ, embers of the feud with RFK: See page 81 for Donaldson's recounting of the initial offer of the VP to LBJ, his snuff and RFK's reaction. The two were arch enemies.
7. LBJ, Heart attack as a turning point: See page 82-83, and compare this with Teddy Roosevelt and FDR who had similar experiences. ETA
8. LBJ, Indecision: Wishy washy on presidential run in 1960, could not abide failure. See pages 154-155.
9. LBJ, weakening influence: See page 155-156, 159, 179 (Democratic party and style changing). Focused on ability over image at a time when image mattered more to voters (p. 185).
If you are frustrated by political polarization and want to understand "how we got here," this is a great book to read. The 50s was a pivotal decade, a transition from FDR and Truman's liberal paternalism of the 30s and 40s to the moderation of IKE and LBJ to the rise of new coalitions. The Democratic coalition (fairly solid and increasingly liberal) garnered control of the Northeast and most of the nations industrial regions, pp. 182f). The rising Republican coalition (increasingly fiscally conservative) took the South and Western states.
Donaldson takes us on a walk though the decade, from the postwar politics of the 40s to JFK and the election of 1960. Along the way he points out the rise of political moderation, congressional shared objectives, why people liked IKE but not the Republicans, how Eisenhower and Senate leader Lyndon Johnson forged a working relationship (one that benefited both men), and the political pendulum swing that left Eisenhower a weak lame duck and Johnson a Vice President rather than President.
I thought Donaldson's conclusion, "The End of a Decade and the Beginning of the Future of American Politics" was particularly insightful as he addressed the changing African American vote, the rise of image over issue as a deciding factor in American politics, as well as the shape and geographical boundaries of the Democratic and Republican parties.
My recommendation:
Read this book if you want to understand an era, the two key political figures in it, and how the past (the 50s) has shaped the present political scene. The Secret Coalition won't give you much on the personal relationship between IKE and LBJ, but it shines when it comes to their personalities, political allies, and politics (e.g. IKE's moderation and LBJ's presidential hesitations). Donaldson also helped me see the "politics of Civil Rights" in new light; and how a leader adapts (or not) to a changing culture can make all the difference in tenure and effectiveness. The Secret Coalition is highly readable. I was 120 pages in when I realized I was humming along, thoroughly engaged with both his content and literary style.
Why I picked up this book:
I am intrigued by LBJ. He is an enigma both personally and politically. And while I am on a quest to read a biography of every president, I have read volumes on "the master of the Senate" (thank you Robert Caro). When I find a work on LBJ, I pick it up. So, for me, reading The Secret Coalition was more about understanding our 36th President (LBJ) than it was Dwight D. Eisenhower or the decade of the 1950s. At the same time, context influences all of us, so having this contextual background was very helpful -- and reading the book, Donaldson knows the context.
About the author:
Gary A. Donaldson was the Keller Foundation Chair in American History at Xavier University of Louisiana in New Orleans. He has authored numerous books on American political and diplomatic history including America at War since 1945: Politics and Diplomacy in Korea, Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan , The Making of Modern America: The Nation from 1945 to the Present , and The First Modern Campaign: Kennedy, Nixon, and the Election of 1960.
Pivotal Political Moments:
1945 - FDR dies at Warm Springs, Georgia on April 2. Truman becomes President.
1946 - Truman's approval rating plummets from 87 to 32; is still lauded by the "common man."
1948 - Birth of the States Rights Democrats ("Dixiecrats); halted Civil Rights under "States Rights."
1948 - Truman wins re-election, surprising Dewey and the nation. Caretaker of the New Deal.
1948 - The Class of '48 (Stevenson, Humphrey, LBJ, JFK for a second term). Taft, face of GOP.
1950 - North Korea invades South Korea, US enters Korean War. Calls on Eisenhower to lead.
1952 - Eisenhower/Nixon win Presidential race.
1952 - 83rd Congress (IKE/LBJ forge "moderate" partnership). At 44, LBJ youngest Senate leader.
1954 - The rise and now fall of Joseph McCarthy ("Have you no sense of decency, sir, at long last?").
1957 - The Civil Rights Bill of 1957, the first Civil Rights law in 82 years.
1957 - Soviets launch Sputnik. Space race usurped the place of civil rights in national spotlight. "The launch of Sputnik had a major impact on the nation's politics mostly because it allowed the Democrats to take control of the national defense policy from Eisenhower and the Republicans" (p. 135).
1958 - The rise of Barry Goldwater as the successor the Taft as the leader of the Republican right. 122
1958 - NASA (National Aeronautics and Space Administration) established.
1958 - National Recession (unemployment at 7%).
1958 - Midterm elections: A Democratic landslide (36 seat majority in Senate; 128 seat majority in House).
1959 - Democratic landslides make moderation of IKE and LBJ problematic. Rise of polarization.
1960 - JFK becomes 35th President of the United States. Rise of GOP conservatives.
Politics of Civil Rights (a few examples):
1. The "political necessity" of a Civil Rights Bill: "Eisenhower had done well among black voters in the 1956 election, which convinced the Democrats that if they did not pass a civil rights bill before the 1958 midterm elections they might lose the African American vote entirely" (p. 124).
2. LBJ's compromise bill of 1957: Satisfy those who wanted one without offending the southern segregationists (p. 124-5).
3. The violence over school desegregation: Desegregation and the Southern Democratic response to it. This incident pulled back the curtain on the intentions of Southern lawmakers (p 134). See also page 94, 106.
Leadership lessons:
1. Leaders and their seconds: IKE never endorsed Nixon as his successor. See pages 80, 93. See also page 165 on the importance of seconds and succession (p. 165-167, 172). Nixon's biographer at the juncture said that hurt him deeply.
2. See the bigger picture: In the 1948 election, Truman saw the bigger picture and utilized it to accomplish his political goals. Question: How does a leader effectively assess the "bigger picture?" (p. 7f).
3. Indecision is a leader's death knell: Truman was a decision-maker. He may have been weak in other areas, but he knew that as a leader, he must make decisions. Donaldson shows that indecision is a leader's Achilles heel, whether that be Stevenson (election of 1944, p. 17), or IKE's response to Sputnik or Cuba (p. 162), or LBJ's unwillingness to declare himself an early candidate in the 1960 presidential race. See also page 133, 135 (Ike's "angst factor"), 148 (act in crisis).
4. Yes they are talking about you, get over it. IKE's diaries were very critical of Truman, Nixon and others. Leaders need to know that people have their opinions, and they are just that. Get over it and move on to what you need to do. See page 26, 92 (OMW).
5. Relationships precede everything: See page 30 for Time's analysis of why Taft lost his primary race. "He is abrupt and cold . . ."
6. Sometimes leaders hold their tongues: LBJ exercised political wisdom in refusing to criticize McCarthy. He determined to let McCarthy self-destruct rather than risk political capital with the far right of the Republican party in Congress. See page 57.
7. The power of a well-timed word: Joseph Welch, Army special counsel in response to Joe McCarthy's overly critical tirade against Welch assistant, Fred Fisher (in a televised hearing): "Have you no sense of decency, sir, at long last" (p. 67) This was the beginning of the end for McCarthy and McCarthism. See also Goldwater's speech in '57, "a game changer"; American politics would never quite be the same (p. 121-2).
8. Leader's, get out of your office and on the road: It was IKE's European travel that exposed him to the autobahn and gave him the vision for the Federal Highway Act and the Interstate Highway system. See pages 88-89.
9. Know your leadership strength and lean into it. "Foreign policy was undoubtedly the president's strength, his heritage, and the foundation of his popularity" (p. 116). At the same time, one must live in the tension of personal strength (LBJ, political genius and coalition builder) and changing times (1960 election and the rise of TV and image). LBJ wanted to point to his expertise, but JFK understood image trumped expertise. See page 185. IKE: "I am a 'conservative when it comes t0 money and a liberal when it comes to human beings" (p. 40)
10. It's complicated. Beware of reductionism. Politics and leadership . . . it's just complicated. See pages 130, 131, 132.
11. Leaders need to understand their context: When it came to he launching of Sputnik, Americans had the perception the Soviet's were stronger. Ike blew off the event but the nation didn't. "Perception is stronger than muscle." OMW See pages 137, 160-1. Ike and LBJ both didn't see the changing nature of communication medium with the rise of television. See page 165 (they were not alone in this, Stevenson also missed it).
12. Don't quit! Babe Ruth is noted as saying, "It is hared to beat a person who never gives up." JFK symbolized this in 1960. See page 169.
LBJ Observations and Insights:
1. LBJ, the coalition builder: The Dems lost in '52. "George Reedy, one of LBJ's chief advisors and strategists, said later that the defeat was so extreme that 'it was generally though that nobody could pull the Democrats together' again." See page 456 (for this and impact of Richard Russell).
2. LBJ, the youngest party leader at 44. LBJ sailed with the political winds (see page 179).
3. LBJ, description of: "into this . . . vacuum has blown a tornado from the Southwest, a Texas-sized hunk of perpetual motion named Lyndon Johnson." He "is a political orator. He sense political situations, understands individual motivations and moves swiftly to organize party positions by reasoning with individuals on an individual basis." see page 48. Called a "political genius" by his enemies (p. 150).
4. LBJ, Influence: The Johnson Rule (see page 49). Broke Senate conservatives to form a coalition that got things done (see page 49). Power of persuasion: At the end of his Senate tenure, Johnson said, "the only real power available to the leader is the power of persuasion. There is no patronage, no power to discipline, no authority to fire Senators like the president can fire his members of the Cabinet" (p. 48). As coalition builder with Ike, page 74.
5. LBJ, the vote counter and political tactician: See page 79 on public housing bill. Everyone thought he would go down in defeat, but LBJ "counted votes and prepared to strike."
6. LBJ, embers of the feud with RFK: See page 81 for Donaldson's recounting of the initial offer of the VP to LBJ, his snuff and RFK's reaction. The two were arch enemies.
7. LBJ, Heart attack as a turning point: See page 82-83, and compare this with Teddy Roosevelt and FDR who had similar experiences. ETA
8. LBJ, Indecision: Wishy washy on presidential run in 1960, could not abide failure. See pages 154-155.
9. LBJ, weakening influence: See page 155-156, 159, 179 (Democratic party and style changing). Focused on ability over image at a time when image mattered more to voters (p. 185).
May 3, 2022
The Secret Coalition: Ike, LBJ, and the Search for a Middle Way in the 1950s, by Gary Donaldson (2014, audiobook ~7.5 hrs). Having already read the nearly 4,000 pages of Robert Caro’s 4-volume LBJ biography, I wasn’t sure what I’d learn from this relatively short look at his and Ike’s collaborations in the 50’s. I was pleasantly surprised. The details of working with moderate Republican Eisenhower gives context to at least part of LBJ’s well recognized control of the Senate, his balance of southern (i.e., TX) roots and success at working with less conservative colleagues, and his hesitant and less-than-assured ascent to the Presidency. Just as importantly, in telling the story of these two leaders, this book describes the growing conservatism of the GOP including the flight of conservative southern Democrats to that party, and the transformational alliance of Blacks with the Democratic Party, a huge factor in its shift from away from race-based states’ rights politics and toward more progressive policies. And of course, there is much about Ike’s stutter-stepped ascension to power and his determination to chart a middle of the road course for the nation and his successful collaboration with the left. Intermingled with the Ike and LBJ working relationship are details about Vice President Nixon and his tenuous relationship with Ike, the battle between JFK and LBJ for leadership among Democrats, and lots about Ike’s rise to power following Truman. Overall a very enjoyable read.
October 5, 2023
This book had an intriguing premise - an exploration of how Ike and LBJ made a bipartisan coalition to govern America in the early days of the Cold War - but I didn't think it delivered on the promise. There was no clear narrative flow nor propositional argument, and lacking both, the book felt like it meandered between recounting events or spouting raw electoral data. It needed either a clear focus on personalities and the human dimension of Ike and LBJ's relationship, or a more coherent intellectual argument about how bipartisanship functions.
May 25, 2022
Glosses over important details, perhaps for the sake of concision, but does deliver a useful summary of the major political shift in the 50s: the growth of the far right and the far left in both parties, and the republican party's shift into forming a broad coalition of the South and suburban voters into the present day.
June 16, 2023
Was hoping for a broader take on the senate dynamics in the 50s described in Robert Caro's "Master of the Senate", particularly the Nixon attempt at removing the filibuster to pass Civil Rights legislation in 1956, but instead found that every single piece of information in this book was already covered in Caro's book, with even greater depth and scope. Disappointed with this.
April 5, 2025
Good political history with a good balance of personality and policy. It’s direct and focused on its decade of focus and the strategies of the players, sometimes just a standard history of a 1950s and a solid one. There’s not the same kind of cultural context to the extent of Nixonland but its focus on Eisenhower-Johnson dance is strong and it’s a good deep dive on this one era.
August 2, 2021
Great overview of the 50s in political view.
Displaying 1 - 8 of 8 reviews