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Imelda and the clans: A story of the Philippines
Book by Francia, Beatriz Romualdez
631 pages, Paperback
Published January 1, 1988
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August 12, 2024
I think I bought this book during one of my excursions in Recto while looking for other Marcosiana books. I didn't have huge expectations with this book because I thought that it would be apologetic. It turns out I was wrong. Outside of the bellicose Conjugal Dictatorship by Primitivo Mijares, this was a more rational and well-researched critique of the Marcos dictatorship. It wasn't as scientific or technical as Boyce's Philippines: The Political Economy of Growth and Impoverishment in the Marcos Era, but it definitely gave more context to the gross nature of corruption perpetrated by the Marcoses and their cronies. Most impressive was Francia's research into Ferdinand Marcos's nature: he was thoroughly corrupt and morally bankrupt even before he became President.
Marcos had been tried in court due to murdering his father's political rival, Julio Nalundasan. Were it not for Laurel's pardon, he would have been convicted for murder, especially with the evidence pointing towards him as the culprit. Francia's statements regarding the Marcos war medals (which were all fake) have now been corroborated with history. In Marcos's state visit in September 1982, Romulo Manriquez, who had been commanding officer of Marcos's unit, was bribed with Cartier watches to sign a statement regarding Marcos's "bravery" during the war. (p. 143)
Prior to his tentacular reach as Mr. 10 Percent, Marcos had already been involving himself in questionable deals such as the black market, immigration, tong collection in import licenses, and other shady doings. He was also involved with Chinese businessmen in the smuggling of blue seal cigarettes into the country. (p. 157)
His corrupt nature would later on be laid bare when he was implicated in Harry Stonehill's "Blue Book." Through misdirection and equivocation, he would turn over a blank receipt to the NBI and then drone out the noise through his campaign promises, even though NBI's document officer had found it to be fake.
This wasn't all: Marcos, despite his land reform pretensions, was involved with a land grabbing attempt on thousands of hectares of public land which a Spanish tobacco company had leased in Isabela from the government. (p. 179) The recently exposed scam regarding Chinese nationals becoming citizens through illegal means had already been masterminded by Marcos six decades ago.
Also impressive was Francia pointing out that the ghost-written Today's Revolution: Democracy had its epilogue published just 17 days after the Miranda bombing. Francia opines that "one could deduce that the author or authors foresaw a pre-ordained scenario." (p. 235)
A year after the book's publication, however, Marcos would declare Martial Law which would allow him to consolidate his power and his graft over the Philippines. This declaration was also precipitated by the expose done by Eduardo Quintero regarding the payola scandal of the Constitutional Convention: Marcos already had plans to perpetuate himself in power, and one of his avenues was changing the government toward a parliamentary state, where he would retain power as long as he liked.
One of his reasons regarding the declaration of Martial Law was to fight better against the Communists, but it was his fiscal mismanagement and gargantuan corruption which allowed the numbers of the New People's Army to balloon. Alex Brillantes' Dictatorship and Martial Law debunks the other "official" reasons as to why Martial Law was declared, and inferred that the true reason was Marcos's desire to cleave onto power.
Francia supports such a theory: Father Joaquin Bernas was able to unearth cult-like behaviors in training seminars for barangay brigade leaders (Barangay Kawal). "In some instances they are told to sign their names in their own blood, and many do so." (p. 419)
Things, however, would come to a head with the assassination of Ninoy Aquino. The Marcoses resorted to printing more money to finance the KBL candidates, but still struggled against the opposition. (p. 458) The Marcoses would do it again during the snap elections (p. 488)
Marcos's final coup which showed his deviousness showed when he "ordered air force planes to bomb Camp Crame and fire six mortar shots on the camp on Monday, February 24, right after he announced on Channel 4 that he would not take offensive actions on the camp's occupants," according to Ernesto Maceda (p. 510).
Although the book is also an attempt to explain why Imelda became what she did, its insights regarding the Marcos dictatorship and its unabashed revelations regarding the mephistophelean venality of Ferdinand Marcos make it an excellent perlustration of Martial Law history and its discontents.
Marcos had been tried in court due to murdering his father's political rival, Julio Nalundasan. Were it not for Laurel's pardon, he would have been convicted for murder, especially with the evidence pointing towards him as the culprit. Francia's statements regarding the Marcos war medals (which were all fake) have now been corroborated with history. In Marcos's state visit in September 1982, Romulo Manriquez, who had been commanding officer of Marcos's unit, was bribed with Cartier watches to sign a statement regarding Marcos's "bravery" during the war. (p. 143)
Prior to his tentacular reach as Mr. 10 Percent, Marcos had already been involving himself in questionable deals such as the black market, immigration, tong collection in import licenses, and other shady doings. He was also involved with Chinese businessmen in the smuggling of blue seal cigarettes into the country. (p. 157)
His corrupt nature would later on be laid bare when he was implicated in Harry Stonehill's "Blue Book." Through misdirection and equivocation, he would turn over a blank receipt to the NBI and then drone out the noise through his campaign promises, even though NBI's document officer had found it to be fake.
This wasn't all: Marcos, despite his land reform pretensions, was involved with a land grabbing attempt on thousands of hectares of public land which a Spanish tobacco company had leased in Isabela from the government. (p. 179) The recently exposed scam regarding Chinese nationals becoming citizens through illegal means had already been masterminded by Marcos six decades ago.
Also impressive was Francia pointing out that the ghost-written Today's Revolution: Democracy had its epilogue published just 17 days after the Miranda bombing. Francia opines that "one could deduce that the author or authors foresaw a pre-ordained scenario." (p. 235)
A year after the book's publication, however, Marcos would declare Martial Law which would allow him to consolidate his power and his graft over the Philippines. This declaration was also precipitated by the expose done by Eduardo Quintero regarding the payola scandal of the Constitutional Convention: Marcos already had plans to perpetuate himself in power, and one of his avenues was changing the government toward a parliamentary state, where he would retain power as long as he liked.
One of his reasons regarding the declaration of Martial Law was to fight better against the Communists, but it was his fiscal mismanagement and gargantuan corruption which allowed the numbers of the New People's Army to balloon. Alex Brillantes' Dictatorship and Martial Law debunks the other "official" reasons as to why Martial Law was declared, and inferred that the true reason was Marcos's desire to cleave onto power.
Francia supports such a theory: Father Joaquin Bernas was able to unearth cult-like behaviors in training seminars for barangay brigade leaders (Barangay Kawal). "In some instances they are told to sign their names in their own blood, and many do so." (p. 419)
Things, however, would come to a head with the assassination of Ninoy Aquino. The Marcoses resorted to printing more money to finance the KBL candidates, but still struggled against the opposition. (p. 458) The Marcoses would do it again during the snap elections (p. 488)
Marcos's final coup which showed his deviousness showed when he "ordered air force planes to bomb Camp Crame and fire six mortar shots on the camp on Monday, February 24, right after he announced on Channel 4 that he would not take offensive actions on the camp's occupants," according to Ernesto Maceda (p. 510).
Although the book is also an attempt to explain why Imelda became what she did, its insights regarding the Marcos dictatorship and its unabashed revelations regarding the mephistophelean venality of Ferdinand Marcos make it an excellent perlustration of Martial Law history and its discontents.
Displaying 1 of 1 review