General Smedley Butler knows whereof he speaks when it comes to war: having served honorably in the military and hailed as "an outstanding American soldier" by Theodore Roosevelt himself, he understood the soldiers who fought for their country, and he came to be outraged by those who meanwhile were making another kind of killing of their blood, sweat, and tears. He also realized that he had spent most of his active military service being a "high-class muscle" for Big Business, a gangster for capitalism. With his witty humor, he remarks, ". . . I might have given Al Capone a few hints. The best he could do was to operate his racket in three districts. I operated on three continents."
"War is a racket. It always has been. It is possibly the oldest, easily the most profitable, surely the most vicious. It is the only one international in scope. It is the only one in which the profits are reckoned in dollars and the losses in lives," begins he his 1931 speech. Indeed, as he further reveals, at least 21,000 new millionaires and billionaires were made in the United States during World War I. Who were those lucky guys? Did they come from the ranks of the physically and mentally maimed soldiers returning from the front? Had they ever shouldered a rifle or dug a trench? Had they spent "sleepless, frightened nights, ducking shells and shrapnel and machine gun bullets"? Had they been wounded? Nope. The splendid fortunes were amassed by a chosen few: munitions makers, ship builders, manufacturers, meat packers, bankers, speculators.
One good example cited by Butler is the little steel companies that "patriotically" shunted aside the making of rails and girders and bridges to manufacture war materials. Their 1910-1914 yearly earnings averaged $6,000,000. Then came the war, and, like loyal citizens, Bethlehem Steel promptly turned to munitions making. Well, their 1914–1918 average was $49,000,000 a year, an increase by about 716%!
Meanwhile, eager not to be left behind, somebody made a profit on mosquito netting. They sold Uncle Sam 20,000,000 mosquito nets for the use of the soldiers overseas. "I suppose," comments Butler wryly, "the boys were expected to put it over them as they tried to sleep in the muddy trenches – one hand scratching cooties on their backs and the other making passes at scurrying rats. Well, not one of these mosquito nets ever got to France!" However, the thoughtful manufacturers wanted to make sure that no soldier would be without his mosquito net, so 40,000,000 additional yards of mosquito netting were sold to Uncle Sam. Long story short, there were pretty good profits in mosquito netting in war days, although there were no mosquitoes in France. If the war had lasted just a little longer, though, the enterprising manufacturers probably would have also sold Uncle Sam mosquitoes to introduce in France, so he would buy more mosquito netting.
Thus, the chosen few get rich. Who pays for it all, though? And most importantly, what is the price? The biggest part of the bill is shouldered by the soldiers. Normal, healthy boys are taken out of the fields, offices, factories and classrooms, and put into the ranks where they are "remolded", made to “about face”. Through merciless propaganda, they are trained to regard murder as the order of the day. So vicious is this war propaganda that even God, who taught us not to kill anyone, is brought into it: clergymen join in the clamor to kill, kill, kill. To kill the Germans in World War I, for instance, because "God is on our side . . . it is His will that the Germans be killed." (Meanwhile, in Germany, the good pastors called upon the Germans to kill the allies to please the very same God.) Is it God's will, really? Or is it the will of the bankers and the manufacturers to whom war pays high dividends?
Beautiful pictures were painted for young American boys who were sent out to die in "the war to end all wars", "the war for world democracy" (twenty years later, with the rise of totalitarism, the world became even less democratic), but no one told them they would be killed by bullets produced with US patents. Patriotism "was stuffed down their throats"; they were used as numb killing machines for a couple of years, and then, suddenly, those who managed to survive were discharged and left to make "another 'about face'" but this time without officer aid and nation-wide propaganda. Too many of them were eventually destroyed, mentally, because they could not make that final “about face” alone. "These boys don’t even look like human beings," describes Butler graphically his visit to a government hospital. "Oh, the looks on their faces! Physically, they are in good shape; mentally, they are gone." They had paid with their lives for the profits of others. And so did their families, girlfriends, friends, who had also contributed their dollars (in taxes) to the profits that the munitions makers, bankers, shipbuilders, manufacturers, speculators made, and who now suffered as much as, or even more than, their maimed brothers, friends, sons, fathers, boyfriends did.
It's a racket, all right. What is more important is that General Butler underscores that there is a way to stop this glaring injustice. And – say it louder – the way is not disarmament conferences. Who do the countries send to those conferences? Correct. They send professional soldiers, sailors, politicians, and diplomats. Naturally, the soldiers and sailors don't want to disarm. "No admiral wants to be without a ship. No general wants to be without a command," writes Butler. "Both mean men without jobs." Therefore, they are not for disarmament. Lurking behind these professional soldiers' backs, the politicians, the all-powerful, sinister agents of those who profit by war, are also ready to do anything to prevent disarmament. Consequently, the chief aim of any power at any of these conferences is not to achieve disarmament and prevent war, but rather to get more armament for itself and less for any potential foe. The only way to disarm for real is for all nations to get together and scrap every gun, every rifle, every tank, every war plane, every ship. But, of course, this is a utopian dream.
The only achievable way to "smash the racket", advises Butler, is for the Government to conscript capital, industry, and labor before the nation’s manhood can be conscripted. Let the officers, the directors, the high-powered executives of armament factories and steel companies, the munitions makers, the shipbuilders, the bankers, the speculators, and the manufacturers of all the other things – necessary and unnecessary – that provide profit in war time get $30 a month, the same wage as the soldiers in the rat-infested trenches get. Oh, how I wish this happened! A brilliant, fool-proof technique for quickly making peace doves out of warmongers.
WAR IS A RACKET is a must read, especially for the contemporary audience, for those young people who are prone to be swayed by rallying cries of fake patriotism. So many years after "the war to end all wars", so many years after Butler's speech, wars are still not over; they are still a source of excellent income for the few and of unfathomable grief and loss for the many. General Smedley Butler was a real hero, one who wasn't afraid to stand up for his country, to say out loud that boys and men give their lives for dollars and cents that stuff the pockets of a small elite, not for a safe world and democracy. It is important to read and understand what he wrote. Peace is much cheaper and safer than war.