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First published January 9, 2024
Kirill Stremousov, the former antivaccine blogger who now served as deputy head of the Russian occupation administration, visited the site to record the damage for Russia’s TASS news agency. “The bridge is intact for now. It’s not really a problem, we will fix it soon,” he said, walking by the burning grass as panicked Russian soldiers ran behind him.
In fact, it was going to become a very big problem.
"...As I walked up the steep hill into the Pechersk government quarter, municipal workers put up billboards advertising upcoming concerts. Cherry-liquor bars, a favorite of young Kyivites, were already full, with folk-rock music blasting. Parents took photos of their children enjoying pony rides around the park. In the domed parliament building, Ukrainian lawmakers gathered to debate emergency wartime legislation.
A few blocks away, I was meeting with President Volodymyr Zelensky’s predecessor and one of the main leaders of the Ukrainian opposition, Petro Poroshenko. A chocolate-industry tycoon who had badly lost the 2019 election, Poroshenko was battling corruption charges that he decried as politically motivated. He had just been barred by the courts from traveling outside the Kyiv region. Our meeting had originally been scheduled for later in the week, but I had received a call: “Come right away.”
"...The same month, Putin published a lengthy treatise called “On the Historical Unity of the Russians and Ukrainians,” in which he argued that Ukraine is an artificial country that could only be sovereign in partnership with Russia. He had the article read out to every member of the Russian Armed Forces. Weeks later, Putin started complaining about the imaginary “genocide” of Russian-speakers in Donbas and ordered troops to start deploying along Ukraine’s borders.
Central Intelligence Agency Director William Burns, who flew to Moscow to meet Putin in November 2021, came home convinced that an invasion was inevitable. “Don’t you know that Ukraine is not even a real country?” Putin had told Burns all the way back in 2008, when the future CIA chief served as the American ambassador to Moscow. This conviction, at the core of Putin’s worldview, had now crystallized into a determination that Russia faced a unique window of opportunity, tactically and strategically, to eliminate Ukrainian statehood. At their meeting, Putin told Burns that Ukraine was too weak and divided to resist, and the Europeans were too risk-averse to interfere. As for Biden’s America, Putin had decided that it was impotent after the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan. As the year drew to a close, the Russian president was certain that his modernized and upgraded Russian army would score a quick and decisive victory, at a minimal cost."
"Putin’s war plan to capture Kyiv in a speedy blitzkrieg was premised on an obsessive idea, fueled by reading the wrong history books during months of self-isolation during the COVID pandemic. He believed that Ukraine was an artificial state, and that its people—and soldiers—wouldn’t fight when faced with the overwhelming strength of the Russian military. Documents later found on dead and captured Russian officers showed that Moscow expected the whole war to wrap up in ten days, with a new collaborations regime installed in Kyiv and most of the country pacified under Russian control."