The Malay Dilemma

by Mahathir Mohamad

In The Malay Dilemma, former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad examines and analyses the make-up of the Malays and the problem of racial harmony in Malaysia. First published in 1970, the book seeks to explain the causes for the 13 May 1969 riots in Kuala Lumpur.

Dr Mahathir sets out his view as to why the Malays are economically backward and why they feel they must insist upon immigrants becoming real Malaysians speaking in due course nothing but Malay, as do immigrants to America or Australia speak nothing but the language of what the author calls "the definitive people". He argues that the Malays are the rightful owners of Malaya. He also argues that immigrants are guests until properly absorbed, and that they are not properly absorbed until they have abandoned the language and culture of their past.

Genres: Politics, Nonfiction, History, Asia, Biography, Political Science, Sociology

240 pages, Kindle Edition

First published January 1, 1970

About the author

Tun Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad ( born 10 July 1925) (Jawi:محتير بن محمد) was the fourth Prime Minister of Malaysia. He held the post for 22 years from 1981 to 2003, making him Malaysia's longest-serving Prime Minister, and one of the longest-serving leaders in Asia. Mahathir's political career spanned almost 40 years, from his election as a Malaysian federal Member of Parliament in 1964, until his resignation as Prime Minister in 2003.

Reviews

[Azwa Ahmad · Rating 3 out of 5]

Admittedly, this is a tough book for me. The first half was brilliant, but I needed to forcefully drag myself to finish the other half mainly because I found my beliefs hardly converged with that of Tun’s. It is evident that he was heavily biased in the book that the notion of Malay’s betterment appeared to be his primary objective, or one of his soul-goals in his life. I wondered what had ignited such racism, the kind that existed with such revered magnitude, that it gave me a constant headache and an ideological battle within myself I had to painstakingly endure. He seemed to be so wrong and so right at the same time.

I admired his constant attempts to shed some lights on the discussed critical issues in the book. He took the long and time consuming road to educate himself and his readers about one’s history that I ended up liking, and wanting to learn history too. He made history appeared inviting ever so delicately and I thanked him for that, because history has never came across my mind as a subject I would want to appreciate.

Although in the preface, Tun had stated that one of his chapters (The Influence of Heredity and Environment on the Malay Race) could be nullified, it amazed me still of how brilliant the contexts were especially when he mentioned the history of China. China, with its four thousand years of civilization, had to bear both natural and man-made disasters that eventually the product of such fatalities made the Chinese hardened and determined to win the battle against life. Ergo, the Chinese immigrants who flooded the Malaya were those with such firm and unshakable determination to pursue a better life, better than what they had experienced in their own land, even when they had to displace the Malays from the Malaya. It was the result of the Chinese’s environment back in China that had made the Chinese a strong, irresistible dominant force, inundating the Malay land with an incredible potential to rule and conquer the land as if it is originally its own.

This book provides the readers an understanding to Tun’s way of thinking on resolving the Malay dilemma. I finally managed to comprehend the Malay rights and its extension better. The focal problem of the Malay dilemma seemed to be orbiting around education. The Chinese economic hegemony could impossibly be penetrated by the Malays without a sound knowledge of the fundamentals. The Malays could not attain a proper job without an academic background that is superior to the non-Malays.

If we were to look at it from a complete different perspective, the non-Malays were the privileged lots, not the Malays. Most Malays lived in the rural areas, whilst the Chinese dominated the towns. The one who lived in town were exposed to a sophisticated environment which had caused an even larger disparity between the town and rural folks, in terms of opportunities especially in education. The town folks had the capital, capacity and ability that enabled them access towards better education, which would grant them access towards better job prospects. The rural folks were deprived of these. Thus, the poverty cycle or poverty loop remained and failed to be broken. The rural remains rural, emanating a behavior, characteristics and thinking of a rural people; the backward society with little chance of progressing.

To Tun, this is the quest to achieve racial equity, or at least he made it appeared as so outwardly. All those privileges that we called as the Malay rights are the manifestation of how underprivileged the Malays were that the Government needed to be accommodative in its policies to help the Malays achieve equality with the non-Malays. Without it, the Malays would totally be dislocated from its own land. However, one could moot the relevancy of such policies on today’s context. Have they become of a help to the Malays, or have they resulted in the Malays’ complacency of their place in this land?

Perhaps it is true what Tun had deduced in his book; The Malays failed to appreciate time and life given to them; that they, willingly yield to the limitations of life and would not do much to break the limitations. Perhaps it is true what he had said, that because of the Malays’ traits and characteristics, because of the Malays’ value systems and code of ethics, serve as an impediment to the race’s development and progress. Bring about any policy and implement them, but if the attitudes of the Malays remain unchanged, true progressivism can never be attained.

[Bookworm Amir · Rating 5 out of 5]

What do I think about this book?

It.Literally. Changed. Life. My Life, most of all.

I recommend all Malays to read this book - and all Malaysians.

Noone knows Malaysia's social problem more than our ex-Prime Minister (This was written before he became the PM).

EVERY SINGLE problem attributed to our social,economic and intellectual plight are listed, and the reasons for it found and explained. Then, we can act to solve it. In it he also tells us how to change it and what to change - and what to keep.

I will definitely re-read this many times over again and share it with my friends - and the public - because we all Malays and Malaysians really need to know about this.

[Khadijah · Rating 4 out of 5]

A must read by every Malaysian. This book should be read in schools. The author has biases (which he admits to in the preface), and he also refuses to make apologies. It is a book written with absolute sincerity and honesty, whether you like it or not, it is the author's opinion.

This book was written more than 40 years ago, long before I was born, and yet, I comprehend the dilemma and the problems pretty well. The book is written in concise and easy language.. However, the author also draws a lot of analogies, from all over the world. Something I doubt the target audience, your average Malay (or Malaysian), would understand. And so the cycle of the dilemma continues.

Whether you agree or not with his views, and even though this book is so old that some stuff is practically outdated, I believe this book is still relevant in the fact that we must know the basis and underlying reasons for some of his decisions as Malaysia's leader for 22 years. It is part of history, and anyone who has inclinations to debate and discuss racial, equality, political issues in Malaysia MUST read this book.

[Khairul Hezry · Rating 2 out of 5]

If the author had not ended up becoming Malaysia's fourth Prime Minister for 22 years, I doubt this book would still be talked about today. A flawed treatise on the Malays of Malaysia, it nevertheless gave us a peek into the mind of a man who either brought Malaysia kicking and screaming into the 21st century or the man who did irreparable damage to the social unity of the Malaysians, depending on who you ask.

[Nicola · Rating 2 out of 5]

A must-read for anyone who wishes to have some understanding of the racial situation and political agendas that exist/have existed in Malaysia. Written by a former Malaysian Prime Minister, prior to his premiership, the book is essentially a political document with comments that are (frankly) unsubstantiated and I felt some of his arguments contradictory. In the chapter "Code of Ethics and Value Systems of the Malays" he sensitively describes the Malay worldview and practices which up until that point I thought he would champion, but instead he suggests these should be ditched in favour of "some of the ways of the West" (p217) to make the race more competitive. I had rather hoped for suggestions that were "home-grown" that supported the Malay value system but repaired it from within.

Undoubtedly some Malays will find/have found that he paints an accurate picture of their own situation and the dilemmas they face in living alongside the other races in Malaysia. As an outsider looking in, I felt Mathathir had done a great disservice to the Malay people by victimizing them and by isolating the other races within Malaysia.

[Yang Ch'ng · Rating 4 out of 5]

A political and philosophical manifesto of Mahathir, this groundbreaking book offers an insightful light into how the current PM of Malaysia thinks of the tricky and controversial inter-racial situation that begets modern Malaysia. While some of his perspectives may be biased, unscientific, and not comprehensively justified, the book meets its premise in providing the big picture explanation for Malaysia’s pro-Malay policy stance. A must read for all Malaysians to understand why Malaysia is the Malaysia it is today. Disappointed or not, this is (or was, should I say) how our current PM thinks.

[Alicia Low · Rating 1 out of 5]

I disagreed with this book in every possible way. It rambles on and on about the same points, which are steeply based in the author's own interpretations of history and society. Crude, broad generalizations and overall a terrible attempt at justifying institutionalized racism.

[Fadil · Rating 3 out of 5]

We are still in Dilemma...

[Xing Yi Ngiam · Rating 4 out of 5]

Firstly, the reader should recognise that Mahathir is a true politician, and so read his arguments with caution and a bag of salt.

Nevertheless, this is a refreshing book that dares to deal with the sensitive topic of Malay challenges in Malaysia. Mahathir unapologetically lists the problems within the Malay community, such as how "Malays as a rule are impatient and are more attracted by immediate benefits" (140) and how Malays' inability to articulate their grievances leads to more discrimination against them. I do not endorse any of these views, but found it surprising that Mahathir was so frank in this depiction. It was surprisingly progressive as well, an example being how he described Malay women as being "more diligent and shrewd than Malay men."

There are some good causal arguments for why the Malay community is disadvantaged, even though they are highly anti-colonial in nature. He keeps harping (justifiably) on British fault for implementing the Malay Land Reserve Act, proposing the Malayan Union in 1948, and opening governmental positions to mostly the Chinese. However, he toes the line by ensuring that his writing is inoffensive towards the Chinese and makes no negative value judgements on their character.

However, these arguments are not all convincing enough to justify the privileged treatment of the Malays. He makes strange use of foreign examples of governance that cannot be nearly mapped onto Malaysia's landscape, just so that he can denounce meritocratic practices. Other examples leave me scratching my head: Mahathir states that negroes in America are more integrated into society than the Malays in Malaysia (in 1970), and that lowering university entry requirements has benefitted post-independence Congo.

In spite of its polemic nature, this book is still valuable in giving insight about some Malay sentiment in the 1960s to 70s, and into the mind of this political maverick who still plows his way through national leadership by pure will.

[Benz · Rating 4 out of 5]

"..Orang Melayu, kecuali mereka dari Kelantan, mungkin tidak dapat membina sendiri rumah-rumah batu..," akhirnya Dr. Mahathir mengaku juga tentang orang Melayu dari Kelantan. Jarang didengar pengiktirafan yang beliau sudi nak berikan kepada orang Melayu, khususnya Kelantan, dan ini tercatat dalam Dilema Melayu (edisi terjemahan).

Masih boleh dikatakan karya ini padu, walaupun tepu dengan unsur rasism -atau berterus terang?- dan Dr. Mahathir dalam karya ini, menampakkan dirinya memang sebagai seorang pembaca tegar, juga pengagum idea evolusi Darwin, tetapi seorang yang mahir menyelitkan ideanya di sana-sini tanpa perlu memaksakan pandangannya. Dalam ertikata lain dia memahiri sifat, perangai dan ciri orang Melayu-Islam, menyebabkan dia tidak begitu menjual ideanya yang sekular dengan cara paksaan, itu yang membuatkan dia mampu bertahan sehingga 22 tahun lamanya memerintah -tanpa digulingkan- dan kemudian sekali lagi muncul menjadi Perdana Menteri, mengalahkan pencabarnya selama ini iaitu Anwar.

Jadi walaupun beliau pengagum tegar Darwin, dan menjual ideanya bahawa tak mesti seseorang itu perlu berkahwin, dan perkahwinan antara kerabat terdekat menyebabkan Melayu menjadi begini dan begitu, beliau tidak menempah jalan kontroversi seperti Pak Kassim dll yang senada dengannya. Beliau seorang yang sekular, tetapi beliau tidak ada masalah dengan Islam. Ini yang kebanyakan sekular pada hari ini tidak faham bagaimana menjual idea tanpa perlukan ketegangan yang serius, ibarat pepatah Melayu, tarik rambut dalam tepung, tepung jangan selerak, rambut jangan putus.

[Ken · Rating 4 out of 5]

Filled with logical flaws and inconsistencies. There is also little attempt on the author's part to cover his biasness.
BUT, this is really quite an *essential* read for any Singaporean, Malaysian, or anybody interested in this region of the world.
As a leader in the Malay world, Mahathir has articulated the reasons for and beliefs that led to the Bumiputra policy. Indeed, if people did not think as Mahathir did back in 1970, I wonder if Singapore would even exist today.
So, whether you agree or disagree with his views, its important to know why he (and perhaps many current Malay leaders) feel this way.

[Sera Salleh · Rating 4 out of 5]

Kemampuannya melihat dunia dan kehidupan dari demensi yang berbeza telah membawa perubahan besar kepada bangsa Malaysia walaupun terpaksa menerima banyak tentangan dan cemuhan.

[Tidak Selain Buku · Rating 5 out of 5]

MAHATHIR SEBELUM DUNIA POLITIK

Sebelum menjadi seorang pemimpin masyarakat, Mahathir merupakan seorang kolumnis yang aktif menulis di ruang-ruang akhbar. Antara akhbar-akhbar yang memaparkan tulisan beliau ialah The New Strait Times. The Malay Dilemma merupakan karya beliau yang telah mencetuskan kontroversi pada era pemerintahan Tunku Abdul Rahman.

Karya ini telah diharamkan pengedarannya pada tahun 1970 berikutan tercetusnya rusuhan kaum pada tahun 1969 kerana dilihat mempunyai unsur-unsur hasutan. Walau bagaimanapun, ianya telah dicetak kembali sewaktu Mahathir memegang jawatan sebagai Menteri Pendidikan. Hal ini kerana, karya ini dilihat sebagai alasan intelektual bagi mewujudkan Dasar Ekonomi Baru (DEB) bagi mengimbangkan keadaan ekonomi bangsa Melayu.

Sebagai seorang kolumnis, penulisan Mahathir sarat dengan kritikan dan kenyataan yang bersifat berterus-terang dalam menghuraikan keadaan bangsa Melayu di Malaysia pada tempoh tersebut. Dalam buku Dilema Melayu misalnya, Mahathir menyatakan pengaruh warisan dan budaya sebagai sebab utama rintangan pembangunan orang Melayu. Inti sari dilema ini dapat dikesan melalui huraian Mahathir tentang budaya politik Melayu yang berakar umbi sekian lama (Hiley, 2009: 53).

KONTEKS DILEMA MELAYU (UNSUR-UNSUR KELEMAHAN)

Dalam buku beliau Dilema Melayu, Mahathir banyak menyentuh tentang unsur-unsur kelemahan bangsa Melayu yang dilihatnya sebagai penghalang kepada proses kemajuan bangsa tersebut. Pada pandangan Mahathir, selagi mana kelemahan ini tidak diperbaiki, maka selamanyalah bangsa Melayu tidak akan mampu bersaing dengan bangsa-bangsa lain seperti kaum Cina khususnya sama ada dalam bidang ekonomi, politik dan sosial. Antara unsur-unsur kelemahan yang disebutkan oleh Mahathir dalam buku ini ialah;

Pertamanya, Mahathir melihat punca bangsa Melayu lemah dalam pelbagai aspek kehidupan adalah disebabkan oleh budaya dalam masyarakat Melayu itu sendiri. Sebagai contoh, perkahwinan antara ahli keluarga terdekat dikatakan menjadi punca kelemahan pemikiran bangsa Melayu. Hal ini demikian kerana, faktor-faktor keturunan adalah amat penting dalam perkembangan sesuatu bangsa (Mahathir, 1982). Menurut Mahathir (1982);

Hukum Mendel menyatakan bahawa zuriat itu bukanlah merupakan jenis perantaraan antara kedua-dua baka ibu bapa, tetapi menurut hukum yang lazim, baka salah seorang dari ibu bapa itu adalah lebih menonjol dalam zuriat yang dilahirkan. Hukum ini adalah penting kerana ia menolak konsep lazim yang menyatakan bahawa zuriat hendaklah merupakan perwatakan yang lebih sederhana dari sifat-sifat utama kedua-dua ibu bapa.

Menurut Hukum Mendel, terdapat dua ciri dalam genetik iaitu ciri dominan dan ciri resesif. Selalunya, ciri-ciri dominan akan mengatasi ciri-ciri resesif apabila kedua-duanya digabungkan. Oleh itu, jika ciri-ciri dominan kedua ibu bapa adalah sama, maka kemungkinan untuk anak mereka mendapat ciri-ciri dominan tersebut adalah besar. Perkara ini pada pandangan Mahathir merugikan jika ciri-ciri dominan tersebut melibatkan aspek kecerdasan otak, kerajinan dan kepintaran.

Pada zaman Mahathir tersebut, sudah menjadi budaya masyarakat Melayu untuk mengahwinkan anak mereka dengan saudara-mara terdekat atas alasan tidak mahu harta yang diwarisi jatuh ke tangan orang luar, lebih dekat dan sebagainya tanpa memikirkan mengenai pewarisan sifat yang sama dalam keturunan tersebut dan kelemahannya.

Secara mudahnya, jika berkahwin sesama ahli keluarga seperti sepupu dengan sepupu, maka ciri-ciri genetik seperti lemah daya fikir, penyakit keturunan, akan diwarisi oleh keturunan tersebut. Keturunan tersebut tidak akan dapat berkembang kerana mewarisi ciri-ciri dominan yang sama. Agama Islam misalnya menggalakkan umatnya untuk berkenal-kenalan dengan bangsa-bangsa yang berlainan dan tidak hidup dalam kelompok tersendiri sahaja. Menurut Mahathir (1982):

Zuriat yang paling baik ialah hasil dari ibu bapa yang mempunyai ciri-ciri dominan yang berbeza. Kaum keluarga yang dekat lazimnya menyerupai antara satu sama lain, oleh itu besar kemungkinan mereka mempunyai ciri-ciri resesif yang sama. Dengan itu perkahwinan di dalam kaum keluarga ini tidak akan menghasilkan zuriat yang baik. Sebaliknya, orang yang tidak ada pertalian darah mempunyai banyak ciri yang berbeza. Oleh itu perkahwinan di antara orang-orang ni akan menghasilkan zuriat yang lebih baik sebab mereka akan mewarisi ciri-ciri dominan yang baik dari kedua-dua ibu bapa mereka, sementara itu ciri-ciri yang resesif akan pupus.

Selain itu, budaya bangsa Melayu yang dilihat melemahkan bangsa tersebut dari segi persaingan dengan bangsa lain di Tanah Melayu ialah alam sekitar yang dipengaruhi oleh faktor keturunan. Bangsa Cina tak menggalakkan perkahwinan satu rumpun. Oleh itu, baka yang dihasilkan adalah terdiri daripada ciri-ciri yang baik dan mampu menambahkan pengaruh alam sekitar dalam kalangan mereka. Penghijrahan mereka dari Tanah Besar menjadikan mereka bangsa yang lebih rajin berusaha dan tahan cabaran.

Alam sekitar yang kurang membantu dalam memberikan pendedahan hakikat sebenar keadaan Tanah Melayu pada waktu itu menyebabkan bangsa Melayu yang berada di luar bandar kurang berminat dalam bidang perniagaan atau pertukangan. Mereka hanya memberikan tumpuan kepada pertanian. Hal ini demikian kerana tempat tinggal di luar bandar tidak mengizinkan mereka untuk bergaul dan bersosial dengan bangsa lain.

Orang Melayu yang tinggal di bandar pula hanya memberikan tumpuan untuk menjadi pentadbir dan kakitangan awam. Kepercayaan kepada benda-benda tahayul seperti zaman animisme turut melemahkan bangsa Melayu. Kepercayaan-kepercayaan karut ini menjadikan minda bangsa Melayu tertutup untuk melakukan perubahan dan tidak berani melanggar pantang-larang yang kadangkala dilihat tidak relevan dan menyulitkan.

Upacara memuja semangat alam misalnya. Tidak boleh menyalahkan bangsa Melayu seratus peratus atas kelemahan dari pelbagai aspek hidup, Mahathir turut menyatakan dasar pemerintahan British yang bersifat pecah dan perintah turut memberi kesan kepada pembangunan masyarakat Melayu. Pemisahan dilakukan bukan sahaja antara bangsa malah dalam bangsa Melayu sendiri berlaku pemisahan antara orang Melayu bandar dengan orang Melayu luar bandar.

Tujuan British berbuat demikian adalah bagi melemahkan bangsa Melayu dalam bidang politik dan ekonomi. Dengan mengekalkan masyarakat Melayu luar bandar di tempat asal mereka, pihak British dapat menumpukan perhatian kepada aktiviti perdagangan dan mengelakkan orang Melayu daripada bersatu dan menentang British. Perhubungan di antara orang Melayu di bandar dengan orang Melayu di luar bandar juga terbatas kerana kurangnya pembinaan jalan raya (Mahathir; 1982).

Keadaan kesihatan masyarakat Melayu yang tidak dititikberatkan turut merupakan unsur-unsur kelemahan yang ditekankan dalam Dilema Melayu yang menjadi punca kemunduran bangsa Melayu. Amalan kahwin muda dan sikap memandang rendah seseorang yang tidak berkahwin dilihat Mahathir sebagai unsur kelemahan Melayu dari sudut budaya. Hal demikian kerana, perkahwinan pada usia 13 atau 14 tahun merupakan terlalu awal dan pasangan masih tidak matang.

Pasangan kurang berdikari dan bergantung kepada ibu bapa untuk menjaga anak-anak mereka. Cara penjagaan ini pada Mahathir adalah tidak sihat dan dari sudut jangka panjang akan melemahkan bangsa Melayu. Dari sudut ekonomi, kedudukan ekonomi mereka yang begitu rendah diterangkan di sini secara objektif seperti yang dirumuskan oleh orang Melayu. Kedatangan pendatang asing sewaktu zaman Kesultanan Melayu Melaka telah menyebabkan berlaku percampuran yang lama-kelamaan mereka diterima dalam kelompok bangsa Melayu.

Persaingan yang sengit antara bangsa Melayu dan Cina bukan menyebabkan bangsa Melayu semakin berusaha kuat, tetapi mereka telah hilang minat dan tidak berdaya saing. Bangsa Melayu hanya memikirkan cara untuk kembali kepada kehidupan yang mudah dengan kerja yang tetap di bawah pentadbiran British. Mereka tidak berminat untuk menceburkan diri secara serius dalam bidang perniagaan bagi mengatasi serta menembusi monopoli perniagaan yang dipegang oleh orang-orang Cina (Mahathir, 1982).

Bagi orang-orang Melayu yang tidak begitu mengetahui tentang selok-belok perniagaan, mereka sudah keliru dengan cara perniagaan yang dijalankan selepas perang. Orang Melayu memang tidak arif dengan pemberian rasuah dan lain-lain cara putar belit, dan apabila golongan yang berpelajaran bekerja semula dengan kerajaan, peluang mereka untuk menjadi kaya dengan cepat dan membaiki kedudukan mereka dalam dunia perniagaan turut terlepas (Mahathir, 1982: 45).

Selain itu, sikap tidak sabar turut merupakan unsur kelemahan bangsa Melayu. Dalam bidang ekonomi, mereka mengamalkan perniagaan secara Ali-Baba. Cara ini adalah cara yang paling mudah bagi orang Melayu untuk mengaut keuntungan jangka pendek. Mereka berkongsi niaga dengan orang Cina yang memiliki modal dan pengetahuan tentang perniagaan. Walau bagaimanapun, orang Melayu hanya mengaut hasil daripada jumlah wang yang tetap bagi lesen perniagaan tetapi tidak mahu langsung mengambil bahagian dalam perniagaan tersebut.

Kesannya, orang Melayu tetap tidak mempunyai kemahiran dalam menguruskan perniagaan. Mahathir menyatakan pendirian bahawa penyertaan orang Melayu sebegini akan menggagalkan nasib bangsa Melayu. Walau bagaimanapun, pada waktu tersebut hanya inilah satu-satunya cara orang Melayu dapat terlibat dalam perniagaan dan tidak ketinggalan di belakang. Berbeza dengan orang Melayu, orang Cina sangat berpegang teguh kepada ikatan keluarga dan perasaan cauvinisme mereka yang amat ekstrem yang mana membantu mereka untuk berjaya dalam perniagaan.

Sikap orang Melayu terhadap keadaan ketidakseimbangan penglibatan dalam bidang perusahaan dan perdagangan adalah berbeza-beza. Ada yang mengambil sikap tidak apa dan menerima sahaja hakikat bahawa mereka tersisih di bidang perusahaan dan perdagangan. Di samping itu ada pula yang merasa begitu iri hati dan membantah terhadap kuasa ekonomi orang-orang Cina. Pada masa ini sikap tidak apa di kalangan orang Melayu sudah beransur kurang kerana kerja-kerja dalam perkhidmatan kerajaan yang menjadi harapan mereka semakin berkurangan oleh kerana beberapa sebab.

Apabila semakin ramai orang Melayu menghadapi masalah pengangguran, sikap tidak puas hati mereka kerana orang Melayu tersisih di bidang perniagaan semakin meningkat. Seperti biasa sikap orang Melayu yang bersopan santun dan sudi menerima kehadiran orang-orang bukan Melayu telah menghalang orang Melayu dari menyuarakan pendapat mereka secara terbuka. Orang Melayu yang kaya terutamanya pemimpin selalu mengambil sikap mengalah walaupun sesuatu dasar dilihat berat sebelah dan tidak dapat membantu bangsa Melayu.

Antara unsur kelemahan Melayu lagi yang disebut oleh Mahathir ialah sikap tidak mahu mempelajari sesuatu yang baru. Orang Melayu hanya tahu menggunakan sesuatu barangan dan perkhidmatan hasil dari kemahiran bangsa lain tanpa mahu mempelajari cara untuk memperoleh kemahiran ini. Jika dilihat kembali sejarah, orang Melayu bukanlah tidak mempunyai kepakaran dalam bidang pertukangan atau perniagaan, tetapi kepakaran tersebut perlu seiring dengan zaman.

Persaingan dengan bangsa lain seharusnya menjadikan sesuatu bangsa itu berdaya saing dan perlu mempunyai kelebihan tersendiri. Malangnya disebabkan sikap tidak mahu mempelajari sesuatu perkara yang baru menjadikan orang Melayu semakin ketinggalan. Selain itu, pandangan stereotaip dalam kalangan pemimpin Melayu sendiri yang berpandangan bahawa orang Melayu tidak sesuai menceburi bidang perniagaan atau pekerjaan mahir.

Mereka melihat orang Melayu hanya sesuai menjadi kaum tani. (Kononnya wang bagi orang Melayu tidaklah sama ertinya seperti bagi orang Cina. Mereka juga berpendapat bahawa orang Melayu memang tidak ada keinginan atau keupayaan untuk bekerja kuat. Lebih-lebih lagi orang Melayu tidak boleh berubah). Secara keseluruhannya, bangsa Melayu lemah kerana perasaan rendah diri. Perasaan ini wujud hasil dari gabungan genetik, psikologi dan perbalahan sosioekonomi.

Sesetengah sifat orang Melayu digambarkan sebagai rintangan kepada kemajuan, mementingkan bentuk dan kecenderungan terhadap fatalisme (sikap suka berserah) (Hilley, 2009: 53). Selain itu, budaya kesopanan yang tinggi disalahtafsirkan sebagai tanda hormat. Orang Melayu juga terlalu bertolak ansur terhadap bangsa lain yang menyebabkan budaya berniaga yang dinamik tidak dapat diterapkan.

PENUTUP

Walaupun tulisan Mahathir dalam Dilema Melayu telah mengundang kontroversi kerana dilihat sebagai lantang dalam mengkritik bangsa Melayu dan Cina di Malaysia, namun kenyataan yang dipaparkan masih relevan. Unsur-unsur budaya merupakan perkara asas pembinaan sesebuah bangsa dalam negara. Kelemahan sesuatu bangsa semestinya bermula dari dalam akar bangsa itu sendiri.

Ketidakseimbangan politik dan ekonomi yang berlaku dalam negara semenjak selepas merdeka adalah disebabkan oleh kelemahan sikap yang datang daripada budaya bangsa itu sendiri. Walau bagaimanapun, Mahathir turut menyentuh dasar penjajahan British yang turut menjadi faktor terbesar Melayu terpinggir dari arus pembangunan negara. Dasar pecah dan perintah yang dilaksanakan sememangnya mempunyai tujuan yang jelas untuk meminggirkan bangsa Melayu.

Oleh itu, sebagai penyelesaian, Mahathir melihat perlunya bangsa Melayu dibantu oleh kerajaan bagi mengelakkan rusuhan kaum berlaku akibat rasa ketidakpuasan hati atas ketidakseimbangan ekonomi. Mahathir berusaha mengetengahkan reformis yang berasaskan agenda pertumbuhan yang sesuai dengan pemikiran Islam moden; yakni agenda yang dapat mendorong Bumiputera untuk bersaing dan mengeluarkan Melayu daripada ‘pergantungan’ pada suasana sosioekonomi (Hilley, 2009: 56).

RUJUKAN
Hilley, John. 2009. Malaysia: Mahathirisme, Hegemoni dan Pembangkang Baru. Kuala Lumpur: Institut Terjemahan Negara Malaysia.

Disediakan oleh:
Nurhidayu Rosli (Calon PhD - Sains Politik)

[aleena · Rating 3 out of 5]

As undoubtedly intelligent and driven Mahathir is, he is and always has been a politician first and foremost, a fact clearly showcased here. His views in this book, while biased, sometimes contradictory and often not-scientifically based, is an open and untainted peek into the mind of the 'Bapa Pemodenan'.

I was honestly quiet surprised by his frankness; he clearly listed out the reasonings behind the Malay rights and the Bumiputra policies that led to the modern day political landscape of Malaysia. There is so much that I don't agree on, yet i did find myself reluctantly agreeing to some of his points. Malays were at a socio-economic disadvantage, and something needed to be done to close that gap. But did these policies cushion the Malays and lead to further complacency? If they hasn't been implemented, would the Malays even have a role at all in today's economy, or would they haven fallen behind so completely that they would've lost all social standing? What is racial equity? How can it be achieved in Malaysia, a land with infinite different factors and variables?

At the end of the day, the racial discourse discussed here is no longer fully applicable to today's Malaysia, though it depicts a clear cut path to how it got here. The worst, most disheartening (and most ironic) part of this book is that, here we are, over 30 years later, and the mindsets of the policy makers and the policies themselves have remained largely unchanged, despite most of the arguments listed throughout the book becoming destitute. The chessboard has changed yet Malaysia (and the Malays) will never progress or reach its full potential if these discriminatory laws aren't reviewed and suitably changed for maximum efficiency in modern world. Saying that is easy, though. How can this efficiency and equity be achieved simultaneously today? And that, right there, is the true Malaysian dilemma.

[Jamizal · Rating 5 out of 5]

I reread the book. When i reread means the book is close to my heart and able to influence my worldview. Tun M thesis that hereditary is the cause of Malay backwardness and laziness is a controversial idea yet powerful and brave. The ideas pushed Malays to thinks and better themselves. I hope our young generation look back and understand history of our country to preserve certain traditions that fundamental to the harmony of the country. these fundamentals are encapsulated in this book.
Happy reading and you will engulf in Tun M wit and good command of English.

[Fakhry Harraz · Rating 4 out of 5]

Menurut penulis, untuk berjaya, orang Melayu khususnya, harus belajar untuk berdikari supaya mampu berdiri sendiri dan mampu untuk hidup di waktu yang sukar dan susah. Melayu harus belajar untuk hidup sendiri tanpa mengharapkan sebarang pertolongan (bantuan kerajaan). Seterusnya, barulah mampu menjadi bangsa yang kompeten dan berdaya tahan dalam segala aspek. Harus diakui bahawa buku ini bukanlah sebuah buku yang mudah untuk saya hadam. Pertama, Tun menggunakan bahasa Inggeris. Kedua, struktur ayat serta penggunaan beberapa perkataan Inggeris “kuno” yang menyukarkan lagi saya untuk memahami sesetengah isi yang beliau cuba sampaikan. Namun, ia tidaklah menjadi halangan buat saya untuk memahami pemikiran seorang Mahathir. Selain itu, terdapat juga topik menarik yang diutarakan. Contohnya, pandangan Tun berkenaan krisis diskriminasi kaum kulit hitam di US dan bagaimana masalah ini masih berterusan tanpa noktah.
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Jujur cakap, buku ini sedikit sukar untuk dihadam. Namun, saya amat menyarankan agar kalian membaca buku ini sekurang-kurangnya walaupun sekali. Menurut saya, hanya apabila kita benar-benar memahami sejarah yang lalu, barulah kita dapat bergerak maju sebagai sebuah ummah yang bersatu dan bersama menangani sebarang masalah sama berulang.
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[Fakhrur Bukhary · Rating 5 out of 5]

A brilliant analysis on racial issues in Malaysia (then Malaya), written with sincerity

[Fadhli · Rating 5 out of 5]

Malaysians should read this. For every decisions made, there's a reason. This book tell you Dr Mahathir's reasons.

[Amiruddin MR · Rating 3 out of 5]

Di penghujung buku ini Dr. Mahathir menyatakan Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) merupakan sebuah parti perkauman. UMNO parti apa?

[Supia · Rating 4 out of 5]

As a non-Malay Malaysian reading this book, halfway through the book I was thinking how much of these is just plain excuses for the Malays to be where they are not because of their lack of efforts but it is mostly due to their nature and the condition they had gotten into. It upsets me a little as much of it seems very bias towards the Chinese. Then I thought why not read this book from the perspective of the Malays, how will it feel to be helpless in your own land while seeing the immigrants slowly taking over the economy and still demanding more each day.

This book is for all Malaysian to read, learn and change for a better economy for all. It will be very difficult for us all. Try reading this book from a different perspective, and you will understand more about the situation.

[Victor Tan · Rating 5 out of 5]

A highly educational book about Malaysia that made me rethink the nature of inequality, privilege, and a variety of other issues that I would not have considered so deeply had I not considered Dr. Mahathir's reflections on race, colonialism, and the formation of Malaysia as a nation.

Very valuable to anyone who is interested to contemplate issues of race and the meaning of racial equality, as well as what it actually means!

[Judith Huang]

Just read this 1981 edition of #themalaydilemma by #mahatir from my parents’ library. Interesting how Darwinism and eugenicist ideas led him to opposite policy from #lky. Looking forward to discussing this with @readersofmalaysia #judreads #bookcover #vintage #parentscoldwarlibrary #bookish #bookstagram #girlswhoread #malayanpolitics #malaysia #book #bookreview #judreviewstuff

[Mohamed Askar · Rating 5 out of 5]

I really enjoyed this book as it describes why, how and when a human can make a difference. Also it has a lot of interesting incidents and stories about a country which I really love, Malaysia.

[TH Koh]

Given the public-facing nature of my job, it would be unwise for me to rate this book. Regardless, it was an insightful read which carefully laid out Tun M's arguments for racial affirmative action during the 70s. My review coveys no opinion about the soundness of these policies.

[Cathreen Shiucheng · Rating 3 out of 5]

The very frustrated Tun M on racial inequality in a very repetitive manner. It's like he had been recycling the same argument in every chapter on how the non-Malays, namely the Chinese and Indians are better off and on the competitive advantage compared to the Malays. Bet UMNO members will be rereading this every year prior to their General Assembly Meeting which is in line with the slogan - "Demi memartabatkan bangsa Melayu dan mempertahankan hak orang Melayu" 😏😏 nevertheless, to define what Malay race is a grey area. (E.g. An descendant of Indian Muslim-convert like Tun M himself is considered as a Malay.)

[Mohamed El-Zeadani · Rating 5 out of 5]

Finally, I managed to find time to read the much controversial book by Tun Dr. Mahathir. I had sights on this book since 2017 when I read the Singapore Story by Lee Kuan Yew. The Malay Dilemma didn’t disappoint and gave me a better idea of the methodical thinking of one of the greatest politicians of the 20th century. However, at some parts of the 236 pages long book, I felt that the author repeated himself unnecessarily and had an overall dim view of his fellow Malayans.Yet, in most of the book, I felt that Mahathir has addressed some ideas that many today, despite the 50 years difference between the time Mahathir wrote the book and now, don’t seem to comprehend or appreciate. The book was not short on hereditary, environment, racial, geographical and religious factors that affected the Malayans in Malaysia.

The book started with the author lamenting on what had gone wrong in Malaysia to lead to the terrible incident that happened on the 13th of May 1969. It was at the early chapters of the book that my opinion of the concept of meritocracy was challenged. I always believed that the best candidates should receive the end result regardless of the circumstances. However, being put in the wider view of racial harmony and social justice, I could see the merit for the other idea. Dr. Mahathir makes it very clear from the outset of the book that racial harmony in Malaysia won’t be achieved if only the relatively smaller Chinese minorities are the ones who continue to reap the benefits of the development that Malaysia was seeing. He goes on to highlight how this actually took form and how Malays, the first formal settlers of Malaya, should share equally in the development.

The concept of hereditary factors was addressed first to highlight the superiority of the Chinese race. He addressed the issue of inbreeding and how in Chinese culture this is almost always forbidden, while in the Malay culture it is common if not even encouraged. Dr. Mahathir goes on to highlight how in Malay culture everyone must marry, even the debilitated and the imbecile, which results in offsprings that inherit more of the negative traits of their parents. To justify his claim, the author wrote about an experiment conducted by some researchers on rats. The results of this experiment highlighted the negative effect of inbreeding. While reading this part, I couldn’t help but to think of us, the Arabs, where inbreeding is quite common even today. I was always of the opinion that inbreeding resulted in simpleton children, and Dr. Mahathir’s remarks further solidified that.

The concept of the effect of environment on race was also addressed by the author, he explained that the Chinese had to endure a severe flood some 4000 years ago, and had to survive through atrocious rounds of famine. On the other hand, the Malays had a relatively easy life on the shores of rivers where food was often abundant. This, the author believed, has resulted in a more diligent and hardworking Chinese race while a rather lackadaisical Malay one.

In hindsight of the Malays hereditary and environmental inferiority to their Chinese counterparts, the author moves on to talk about economic factors. He highlighted how the Chinese established Chinese Chambers of Commerce and how it is hard for the unorganized Malays to penetrate such solid arrangements. Furthermore, he spoke of why the Malays were being pushed out to the small villages while the towns and cities were largely being occupied by the Chinese. Dr. Mahathir further goes to say how life in the City and its complexities for the Chinese and the simple life in the villages for Malays could further widen the gap between the two races. The author morphs these three factors to highlight the Malays’ dilemma and how it eventually led to the 13th of May bloodshed because the Malays feared for their rights in their own country to be taken by the surging Chinese.

Giving a good background of the problem the Malays were facing and why they were behind, the author moved to look closely at what racial equality and national unity really meant. Racial equality is a prerequisite to national unity the author opens up “The Meaning of Racial Equality” chapter. He quickly gave the example of giving government scholarships to citizens and how that shouldn’t always be determined by academic results. Also, he highlights that systematic discrimination can be justified as long as the result is to reach racial equality. The author goes to mention how the government has failed the Malays in that perspective and urgent action is necessary.

On the topic of national unity, the author mentions how in other countries, like the US and Australia, immigrants are required to learn the culture and the language of the first white settlers and the absorption of immigrants was rather slow to allow for the white settlers to always constitute the majority and ensure their Judeo-Christian values were always the ones to be followed. However, in Malaysia, the Chinese came, perhaps encouraged by the British, in huge amounts after World War II. This led them to not sufficiently absorb the Malayan culture or language ; therefore, the basis of national unity here were weak or not even there in the first place.

He then went to highlight how Malays due to their animist believes before the arrival of Arab traders have twisted or wrongly interpreted Islamic principles. He goes further to say that because of the wrong interpretation of Islam that the Malays have adopted, they cared less for material results and they lived a simple life in anticipation of better one in the life after. The Malays, the author said, respect greatly devout individuals and couldn’t care much to learn knowledge that can bring them material benefits. However, the author quickly challenges this understanding by mentioning how life is precious in Islam and how it is considered a great sin to take one’s life. Further, life and time constitute the same thing because life is essentially a finite amount of time. But then, the author observed, the Malays couldn’t care less about time with much of it being spent on social visits, non-stop chatter and the like. The author couldn’t help but to reflect on this irony which he attributed to wrong understanding of the religion.

The Malay society, Mahathir notes, is a feudal one that cares so much about formality and always shies away from embarrassing themselves. This formality is expected from their Malay counterparts and not from other races. The Chinese and Indian immigrants, the author mentions, are not as sensitive when it comes to their daily action and because of the Malay value system, they might be at a disadvantage for not standing up against their fellow countrymen. To finish his book, the author talks about Malaysia and Singapore and how both of them rely on each other in certain aspects. Singapore, the author notes, is mostly Chinese with a small Malay minority where Malaysia constitutes the opposite. He talks how Singapore is important to Malaysia from a defense and trade perspective and how Malaysia could be important to Singapore.

Without a doubt, the author expended a great amount of effort to understand the wider Malay problem and how to solve it. Also, while reading, I admired the deep understanding of the author which is quite strange for someone who was trained as a medical doctor. Also, I couldn’t help but to think whether the author’s deep understanding gave him an aerial view of how to maneuver his way to the country’s top office. Indeed, on reflection, the book gives a great idea of the reasons of many of his policies back in the days and his policies today. So, despite his controversial policies, do I respect him? The answer is yes, the reason that we suffer today in Libya, and much of the Arab world, is because no one is willing to do what Dr. Mahathir has done in Malaysia. He stood for his race, and through a deep understanding of the underlying problem, he managed to carve out a policy that kept racial harmony in the country, while at the same time ensured progress. May God protect you Tun.

[Jasmine Koh · Rating 4 out of 5]

Giving this book four stars, not because I agree with its thesis, but because it is surprisingly candid and philosophical. The Malay dilemma is stated simply: if Malays are entirely protected from competition, they will become softer and less able to overcome difficulties on their own. On the other hand, if they are not protected, they would not be able to survive.

The premise for the second horn of the dilemma is a rather uncensored view of the hereditary, environmental, and cultural influences on the Malay race. Inter-marriage within families had led to the promulgation of poorer genes; the blessing of abundant natural resources is also an evolutionary curse, since one relies less on one's wits to survive; finally, Islamic notions of the after-life and a Kantian-like emphasis on rules and proprietary lead to a kind of fatalism in the day to day - striving too hard and challenging others is unbecoming. Collectively, these influences have, over generations, made the Malays "spiritually-inclined, easy-going and tolerant", and thus unable to compete with other races, such as the Chinese who are "aggressive, materialistic, with an appetite for work".

But while Mahatir fully accepts the rather controversial premise that Malays are less "fit to survive", he finds its logical conclusion untenable. The diminution of Malays in their own country is unacceptable since they are the indigenous people. Their subordination would be an extraneous historical accident - the arrival of large numbers of Chinese immigrants was allowed under the British who desired cheap and resourceful labour and took no care to ensure that these immigrants were assimilated into the Malay way of life. Mahatir also points out that the Chinese practice of favoring family and networks in business would eventually result in entrenched privilege that leaves no room for the Malays.

Thus, Mahatir describes a program of affirmative action to help counter the hegemony of the Chinese. Besides bumiputra rights to ownership of land and capital, it includes a program of rapid urbanization for Malays by making it mandatory for businesses to hire them. Positions in government and universities should also be reserved for Malays, even if there are better candidates from other races.

In the last chapter, Mahatir touches on relations between Singapore and Malaysia. Given their distinct worldviews, there will inevitably be some degree of competition between the two countries, both ultimately seeking to prove that they were right. However, his very last line offers some hope of a modus vivendi that can be reached, when both sides accept each other, and "Singapore ceases to create an unfavourable image of Malaysia".

Overall, an illuminating read on "the other point of view". It would be difficult to understand the full essence of Malaysia's bumiputra policies, without reading this.

[Nan Hao · Rating 4 out of 5]

What I read is a Chinese translation prefaced by Mahathir Mohamad.
Even from a perspective of an outsider, I can still feel the whole book is filled with inconvenient truth (if what he wrote can be counted as truth), which, therefore, explains why it was banned by then Malaysian government.
But, anyway, I should say the so called Malay Dilemma, to a great extent, is actually also Malaysian Dilemma.

[Stephenie · Rating 1 out of 5]

I read the first edition and from the first page to the last, i hated every bit of it. I hate the book because firstly, Mahathir is a leader of this nation and I find it mind boggling to read his thoughts about the Malays and Chinese and how very less references were made about the Indians. I felt my anger plopping here and there just like a heated volcano not sure if it should erupt or not with every page I read in this book. It was not a very thick book, but the thoughts of Mahathir which he shared in this book were very hard to digest. I was interested to read this book as I wanted to truly understand what was hindering the progress of the Malays in this country from a leader who has ruled this nation for more than 2 decades. Unfortunately, I was very disappointed with what the book presented. I find absolutely no basis on most of Mahathir's thoughts in this book and I strongly feel that these are just his perceptions on how he saw things and they may not be the truth. I was a bit relieved when I learnt that in the later editions of this book, Mahathir apologises for some of the points he has written in the earlier editions. But the very fact that this book is within the public's reach is a bit worrying. I don't support banning books, but disturbing books such as this will have to be read responsibly and one should digest the content of this book with an open mind and calmness.

[Mohd Sufian · Rating 5 out of 5]

I had moments of a goosebumps while reading this book. Completely mind altering and thought provoking. I never thought Dr M had an incisive, holistic and razor sharp intellectual capabilities. His arguments are solid enough so much so to differ with it would be tricky if not difficult. His writings may appear chauvinistic and exhibiting xenophobic tendencies, but only to the untrained minds and the unwise. Look, let us call spade a spade. A truly united Malaysia or Bangsa Malaysia as others called it together with a strong national identity cannot be achieved without unconditional assimilation to the definitive race of Malaysia, that is the bumiputeras. Until that happens, the racist elements that dwell in each of every person professes to be Malaysian will always pervade in every aspects of society in Malaysia. No need to deny it. Malaysians are inherently racist. We are defined by our racial identity since we were born and thus we cannot see others except through our racist lens. This book definitely change my outlook and readjust my understanding towards the intricacies of Malaysian national identity issues. This book is A Must Read! I cannot emphasize that enough. Thank you Dr M for your services. You are truly the jewel in the crown among Malaysian politicians.