B. Raman has written extensively on Indian security matters for a while now, as well as being a guest on numerous TV debates on the subject. At the time of picking this book, I had no idea that Raman worked for R&AW. I went in to buy this book expecting an account of some of RAW's missions abroad, on the lines of the numerous accounts that exist of MOSSAD and the CIA. There are few such accounts mentioned in the book. Instead, the book provides a broad overview of the history of RAW's role in Indian policy and shaping relationships with its neighbours, as well as providing extensive details of the thinking of various prime ministers, from Indira Gandhi who helped birth RAW from IB, all the way to the government of Narasimha Rao. In terms of analyzing the relationship between RAW, the government, and other agencies, I found this book to be an eye-opener in understanding the frequent conflicts that arise between them. Raman also consistently puts forward his views on various policies and problems that have plagued RAW through the decades, without which the book would merely be a loose collection of anecdotes. The book is littered with incomplete anecdotes, however, not to mention curiously bad editing and grammar for someone who possessed a BA in journalism. The other major drawback is the lack of a larger context provided to many of the events and episodes highlighted through the book. Raman writes purely as an analyst, and never once tries to portray the humanity of the spies involved, or the people affected by the actions of RAW or other intelligence agencies. If this is what you're looking for, this is not the book for the job.
Each chapter covers either issues and threats that RAW dealt with, or analyzes the relationships between RAW and the prime minister/government of the day. Raman starts with analyzing the role of RAW in the 1971 war which saw Bangladesh break off from Pakistan. Under the guidance of it's first director, RN Kao, RAW was reprotedly successful in organizing a PSYWAR (psychological warfare) campaign to highlight atrocities in Bangladesh. This was crucial in garnering diplomatic support for India's actions in Bangladesh, much to the consternation of the US and Pakistan. Also highlighted is the carrying out of "covert actions" in northern Burma during this war, which played a role in curbing the activities of the Mizo National Front (MNF) under Laldenga. Raman highlights the role played by RAW in setting the stage for negotiations that ultimately brought an end to insurgency by the MNF. This was an insurgency that saw sufficient violence and bloodshed from all sides involved, and Raman stays mum on all of it. Raman highlights the role played by the ISI and China in supporting these insurgencies through providing arms and training, and the non-cooperation of the Burmese Army. These claims are hard to verify for me, based as they are on classified information. But this is true of much of what is said in the book.
Raman moves on to talk about the Khalistani movement, which along with the portions dealing with terrorism, forms a considerable chunk of the book. Again, the role of the ISI aside, supported as it was from Zia ul Haq in its policies, Raman fumes at the turned gaze of the CIA, MI6 and Canadian intelligence agencies while Khalistani militants brazenly moved across borders to organize support for their movement. I haven't read any other account of the Khalistani movement, but Raman insists that the mushrooming of support for the movement was an instance of a successful PSYWAR campaign by ISI to highlight atrocities against Sikhs in India. It's hard for me to believe that any intelligence agency would have the power to foment such an organized movement single handedly without any help from other sources of disgruntlement amongst the Sikh population. To that end, Raman insists that the lack of help provided to Sikhs abroad on the same lines that Israel provides to Jews also helped build up support for Khalistan. But again, this seems far-fetched.
The ouster of Indira Gandhi in 1977 would see a dip in funding for RAW under Morarji Desai's government. Desai, rightly or wrongly, viewed RAW as a political tool used by Indira Gandhi against her enemies. Raman provides a blanket denial of these allegations, but rarely addresses them head on or clear the air about them. Nonetheless, Desai's distrust saw many of RAW's capabilities blunted as manpower had to be fired or re-assigned, and missions scaled back. But interestingly, Raman points out to the rot that had already set in to RAW. Nepotistic appointments, lavish lifestyles led by RAW officers abroad, reports of RAW agents harassing Indians abroad dulled the post 1971 sheen of the organization. But Raman says that though the RAW chiefs appointed by every successive governments were remarkably upright individuals, they seemed to turn a blind eye, or were outright ineffective, in dealing with these matters.
Through each of these chapters, Raman brings out the intricacies and counter-intuitive nature of intelligence work. The fact that CIA helped provide RAW with training and equipment in its founding days, while supporting the ISI in its actions against India, seems bizarre. These are the few nuggets that are great takeaways from the book. Often, it seems that when we thinking about American involvement in an issue, different arms of the country have their own agendas. There are instances of CIA chiefs helping the Indian cause while the State Department was hostile. Or the unwritten rules about spying, like the idea that liaison officers of an agency aren't supposed to spy on the countries they're posted in, or that host countries aren't supposed to ill-treat spies discovered in the embassy of a friendly nation (which ISI and IB reportedly never follow). These are the places of the book where the macabre world of spycraft are written for all to see.
Raman goes into considerable detail about the days and weeks leading up to the asssassination of Indira Gandhi. Pointing to the lack of coordination between the RAW, IB and Delhi Police, Raman sketches a depressing picture of the state of information sharing between agencies. The fact that intelligence agency failures are highlighted, and successes kept classified, creates an incentive for intelligence agencies to over-hype or exaggerate perceived threats, lest they be held accountable for a failure. Conflicting reports on threats to a VIP are commonplace, as is the issue of common sources being used by multiple agencies which means information provided by different agencies is rarely independent, or that turf wars between agencies remain a blight. Throw in a sense of competition between agencies to be the first to report a threat, and it's a miracle that any VIP stays alive!
From Desai's lack of support of the RAW, through Rajiv Gandhi's continuation of Indira's patronage of the institution, down to Rao and Singh's grudging appreciation of its work, the RAW suffered from many flaws which could have been addressed by the prime ministers of the day. Aside from those mentioned earlier, rivalry with other agencies, a lack of oversight of the agency by the parliament (compared to the practice in the US and most democracies elsewhere), troubles in preventing major attacks and issues with gathering certain kinds of human intelligence continue to plague the agency. Counter-intelligence remains a concern as there have been numerous instances of moles penetrating the PMO and RAW itself. Nepotism in recruitments still continue, thanks to its exemption from recruiting through the UPSC.
Raman bemoans the fact that successes from an agency can never be publicized while failures can, which contributes to an impression of ineptitude about the capabilities of the RAW and IB. But it's also clear that the Indian government's refusal to declassify reports from way back when also contribute hugely to our lack of awareness of past successes of the RAW. Raman claims that the RAW's archives contain plenty of material for any future historian, but whether such a historian would be allowed to freely write remains unclear. Perhaps political parties fear the confirmation of allegations of RAW and IB's complicity in spying on the opposition coming to light. Or perhaps that the archives are woefully incomplete and disorganized. Either way, the RAW remains an organization that is shrouded in perhaps a little too much secrecy as Raman points out, and this need for excess secrecy continues to be its undoing even today.