The two volumes of Peter Parker's Some Men in London are an anthology of primary material about gay life in London, beginning in the aftermath of the second world war, before ending with decriminalisation and the death of Joe Orton. The material in question spans diaries, newspaper reports, novels, parliamentary speeches, plays, police records and poetry, featuring accounts from figures like EM Forster, Harold Macmillan, Noel Coward, Kenneth Williams, John Osborne and Cecil Beaton.
Broadly speaking, there are two central aspects to the two volumes. One is simply an account of gay relationships and a gay scene that is easily recognisable today, with a relative lack of hindrance from the law. One particularly amusing example is a newspaper article querying how people like Ivor Novello had remained bachelors for so long. Throughout the final volume, there's a marked sense that society had already moved towards decriminalisation long before Parliament timorously codified it: "From being the despised and rejected, not to say abhorred, on God’s earth, the queer is rapidly assuming the role of Hero of the Sixties, a romantic, mysterious figure tormented perhaps, but laughing gaily to hide the tears... in 1924 the mere acknowledgment that such monsters exist, that they breathe the same air, eat the same food and travel in the same tubes as the rest of us, was sufficient to cause a furore. To suggest that some homosexuals might be fairly happy, and the sort of people that ‘decent folk’ could even want to know, would have been unthinkable."
One particularly striking example of this is how gay themes were freely explored in writing well before decriminalisation. Drama was a difficult area, given that it was subject to censorship but this practice was essentially defeated long before the government saw fit to discontinue doing so. When the Lord Chamberlain demanded that scenes like a drag ball be excised from Osborne's A Patriot For Me, the theatre responded by temporarily re-classifying itself as a private member's club and putting on the full production regardless of what the Lord Chamberlain thought. As one censor complained about another play: "It is a serious Play about homosexuality and it can be said to achieve the stated object of the author in showing the results of persecution of homosexuals. In the course of achieving this object, the dialogue, acting and form of production (clothes, etc.) have all been devised to give homosexuals pleasure at seeing their way of life depicted on the stage."
Nonetheless, the other theme of the two volumes is the long march towards decriminalisation from the deliberations of the Wolfenden Report, the activities of the Homosexual Law Reform Society towards the final passage of the Sexual Offences Act. It's important to recall that particularly with the passing of the 1885 Labouchere amendment and its use to prosecute Oscar Wilde, Britain had the most draconian and puritanical legislation of any country, leading to a war against human nature that was both ruthlessly destructive and utterly futile. Political scandals involving gay sex were sufficiently common that Macmillan's initial reaction to the Profumo Affair was relief that it hadn't involved another man. Parker's book records myriads of police prosecutions being carried out in this period and lives destroyed, even as newspapers clamoured for firmer action against the 'beastly vice' and Parliamentary speeches were made replete with imbecilic nonsense. One intervention in a debate in the House of Lords particularly amused me: "I am not sure what evidence the hon . Member is referring to or to what it testifies. Speaking with what limited knowledge is available to me as a professional man in this field, I may say that this is one long string of claptrap."
A lot of the populist language used during this period remains depressingly familiar, often being loaded with complaints that Northern constituents (we would say 'red wall' now) would be unhappy at Parliament debating decriminalisation rather than addressing their concerns. This particular interjection could easily be made by the likes of Farage today: "Ordinary people sense this. But not the ‘intellectuals’. The pundits in an ITV discussion welcomed the new procedure because it was ‘implementing the Wolfenden Report without actually passing anything through Parliament’. One said: ‘Public opinion has elements of the mob in it. This is the sort of subject in which public opinion has to be cheated.’ There speak the liberal fascists."
When the bill is passed, a lot of the sense is of weary inevitability. Noel Coward wrote: "Really some of the opposition speeches were so bigoted, ignorant and silly that one can hardly believe that adult minds, particularly those adult minds concerned with our Government, should be so basically idiotic. However, now all will be well apparently and the law will be changed at the next session. Nothing will convince the bigots, but the blackmailers will be discouraged and fewer haunted, terrified young men will commit suicide." Earlier, EM Forster had simply said: "Adding when I am nearly 85 how annoyed I am with Society for wasting my time by making homosexuality criminal. The subterfuges, the self-consciousnesses that might have been avoided."
In practice, the Sexual Offences Bill was far from the end of the matter and Parker would doubtless have material for many more volumes if he ever wished to continue. Firstly, in keeping with the general English establishment tendency to infantilise people, it established an unequal age of consent at 21, that was only lowered to 18 in 1994 before finally being equalised at 16 in 2000. The unsustainable consequence of the 1967 bill was to create a social group that was now legal but entirely unequal in the absence of having the same rights as the rest of the general population. Depending on your definition, that was only unwound with the introduction of equal marriage in 2013, by which time it was largely impossible to discern why any of the demented hysteria around this had ever existed.