Opening line of the book: “Je hais les voyages et les explorateurs.”
Yet who doesn’t hate traveling and explorers? I mean REALLY. Especially when traveling and exploring, don’t you hate having other travelers and explorers around? They give the lie to the idea that our experiences out there (wherever) are in some sense unique or timeless or sublime. In Tristes Tropiques, arguably Lévi-Strauss’ best book, the author spans oceans, treks through savage scrubland, and ascends Amazonian tributaries that had not yet found their way onto any map. Lévi-Strauss takes us along on these journeys so we can witness how an anthropologist (and his seldom mentioned crew) might survive incredibly treacherous encounters through well-honed powers of perception, through an acumen into the philosophy of nearly everything, and oftentimes simply by raw chance. While definitely a traveler and explorer, Lévi-Strauss is not a tourist, and Tristes Tropiques is not in any way a vulgar travel memoir about savages. His interleaving of narrative and analysis seemingly projects a shrewd realism combined with uncanny discernments of those universal and ideal phenomena hidden away somewhere within each culture/civilization. Lévi-Strauss always had a mastery of language which seemed to transcend the rather porous frontier between English and French. He did not spew jargon; he constructed beautifully articulated arguments. These arguments all appear to justify a feeling that savages are not as bad as the missionaries say they are, and more importantly that we of the West are not as high and mighty as we generally so arrogantly assume ourselves to be.
In my opinion, Tristes Tropiques is all about the practice of responsible anthropology. For an anthropology to be responsible, the practicing anthropologist must seek to protect and extend the progressive enlightenment’s wisdom about how humans have been, are now, and will continue to be. In our current sad age, we must be mindful that challenges to the legitimacy of anthropology serve to upend the liberal traditions of racial tolerance and gendered understanding. Without responsible anthropologists like Franz Boas and Margeret Mead, the civil rights movement and feminism would have looked elsewhere for their scientific credentials, possibly without success. In this age of Trumpism, all sciences are delegitimated whenever deligitimation is convenient or profitable, that is to say whenever it favors the neo-fascist agenda of the small minded, the selfish, and the parochial. So it is important to appreciate how Lévi-Strauss never once abandons or forsakes the scientific ethos of the anthropological tradition. For this reason, Lévi-Strauss ranks to my thinking as a supremely responsible anthropologist. Even when at his most reflexive, that is, even when he is busy observing himself observing others, he still regards his mission among the savages as a voyage of empirical discovery. Lévi-Strauss hopes to move his reading public from the darkness of prejudice into the light of tolerance, acceptance, even love. He tirelessly pursues improvement in his readership’s ethnological understanding. Unlike the USA-based missionaries (who come under heavy criticism in Tristes Tropiques), this anthropologist practices what he preaches: we see Lévi-Strauss respectfully and tactfully bridging the seemingly bottomless void between ourselves and our savage contemporaries. Lévi-Strauss’ literary charms ensure that our sympathies are with this anthropologist and also with these ethnographic subjects. Lévi-Strauss does not trek into the dangerous unknown in order to guarantee his salvation, but rather to validate his very humanity.
This long work unfolds rather slowly, very much in mimicry of the long days aboard ship during Lévi-Strauss’s several transatlantic voyages. While aboard ship, far from the human wilderness he would eventually attempt to dissolve himself into, Lévi-Strauss narrates beautiful sunsets. He narrates desperate Jewish refugees suffering by the hundreds in the hold of a steamship as they flee from France and the Nazis. He narrates the gradual transformations of clouds into… different clouds. He narrates the doldrums, a place of stillness in the places where the trade winds in the Atlantic cancel each other out. He even narrates the relative merits of Debussy and Chopin. There is a thread of sadness in these narratives, for Lévi-Strauss many times uses his vibrant linguistic palate to paint a weird picture of a Western Civilization that was in crucial ways breaking down and coming apart. This body of observations in a strange way prepares the reader for the tribes we are to meet next.
As in Josef Conrad’s Heart of Darkness and also as in the film Apocalypse Now, Lévi-Strauss takes a slow voyage into a savage interior, his reflections becoming more profound as his sense of personal danger and isolation grows. After he had found terra firma in Brazil and had begun his journey into the wilds, Lévi-Strauss meets up with the fairly Westernized Caduveo, who nevertheless paint their faces with intricate geometrical but asymmetric patterns. Deeper into the interior of Brazil, stepping onto the Mato Grosso, we come to a place where dwell the Bororo, a tribe of folks who live in a kind of strucuralist harmony with themselves. The Bororo village is circular, which each moiety occupying one half of the circle. Since the Bororo are a matrilocal and matrilineal society, it is the Bororo men who move from the family of their mother and sisters to the family of their wife on the opposite side of the village circle. Between these domestic worlds lies a mediation, the mens’ house in the center of the village, where women are generally forbidden to go. Lévi-Strauss observes how the men in fact conspire to assert a male dominance in this matrilineal society. During funeral rituals, they disguise themselves as the returning spirits of the dead, thereby frightening the women and children. Although Lévi-Strauss evaluates this fear and false consciousness as lying somewhere between on the one hand a child’s innocent belief in Santa Claus (how could the grown women not know that the spirits were just their men?) and on the other hand an outright hoax meant to reinforce gender inequality. But Lévi-Strauss’s presentation of how the Bororo clan and moiety system relates to the life cycles of both men and women is elegant and dignified.
Deeper into the scrub, Lévi-Strauss meets up with the naked Nambikwara. Unlike the more westernized Caduveos and just as unlike the more numerous, more sedentary, and better organized Bororo, the Nambikwara seemed to fulfill Lévi-Strauss’s expectations of what being primitive is all about. This band of Nambikwara had recently killed missionaries, but Lévi-Strauss somehow made it clear to the natives that in this case he was on the other team, that he had no desire to proselytize and immobilize them, and that he would cast his lot with this band should they help him contact another nomadic group, one previously uncontacted by white people. While fearful of the Nambikwara’s notouriously unpredictable sentiments, whereby a slight faux pas could result in death for him or his team, Lévi-Strauss managed to live with these folks for several months, in which time he learned enough of their language to be able to comprehend many secrets of their private lives. It’s hard for the reader to see how the Nambikwara survive without privacy in our sense: no walls, no clothes, no blankets, no problem. Lévi-Strauss conveys through his narative a real joie de vivre on the part of the natives. A Nambikwara proverb, which Lévi-Strauss translates as ‘making love is nice’ must have been titillating to the typical 1950’s reader, but today sounds like common sense. Although life is by no means easy for the Nambikwara, Lévi-Strauss explicates how this people, with minimal possessions and no permanent homes to retreat to, do much more than merely survive. The Nambikwara live in a seemingly Edenic state: self-reliant, affectionate, democratic, socialist. Here are the savages that Hobbes never saw, whose lives are not solitary, are not brutish, are only a bit nasty, but are certainly expected to be short.
The final tribe we encounter is the Tupi-Kawahib, comprising by the time Lévi-Strauss got there just a small band of refugees. Although as ‘uncivilized’ as the Nambikwara, these people took good care of the members of the band who had been crippled by polio. But is is clear that the Tupi-Kawahib are at the end of their road, having been decimated by foreign diseases and forced out of their native territory by frontier lawlessness and genocidal violence. The truth is, as Lévi-Strauss only lightly touches upon, all four of the tribes encountered had undergone a similar attrition in numbers through germs and guns. But the Tupi-Kawahib were headed for the towns, away from the jungle, and so were en route to their tribe’s extinction as a distinct ethnolinguistic group. And this is the end of the road for Lévi-Strauss as well, who withdraws and retreats into the clothes, blankets, and buildings of modernity.
Tristes Tropiques provides much more than a cursury ethnographic study of four Brazilian tribes. The work also makes substantial contributions both to the art of ethnography and to the theory of culture. As an ethnographic artist, Lévi-Strauss might have been the first to make the explicit comparison between the fieldworker and the Native American brave on a vision quest, out in an unknown and inhospitable wilderness. While still a young man, Lévi-Strauss underwent his vision quest, compiling candid photographs and vivid descriptions of other worlds, betwixt and between his life as a student explorer and his life as a mature, initiated anthropologist. Some of the passages that bring out this liminality include romantic ruminations about being incapable of discerning the present reality while only seeing vestiges of a past which is unattainable. Lévi-Strauss was a sensitive investigator, but he was not above feeling shock or dismay at what he saw. He displayed enough honesty to convey his shortcomings as a cultural relativist. As part of his vision quest, his initiation, Lévi-Strauss felt culture shock, ethnocentrism, even racism, yet in the long run never yielded to the temptation to disrespect or denigrate his hosts in the field.
One of the most famous chapters in this work is The Writing Lesson. The Nambikwara chief, whose people had never seen writing or even drawing before, seized on the purpose of writing without understanding how writing as a system works. The chief drew wavy horizontal lines and then pretended to read these lines as a way of dictating how the anthropologist’s goodies would be distributed to the Nambikwara. Here we see an exciting reversal, where the native takes hold of the cultural capital of the exotic other (Lévi-Strauss) to demonstrate an empowering understanding of that capital, the chief in this way making himself an equal to the white man and his magic. This comprehension of the purpose of writing on the part of the native leads Lévi-Strauss to correlate the advent of writing with some kind of generalized slavery of man by man. It is noted that it was the invention of writing after all which produced the ‘oriental’ despotisms of ancient Egypt and Imperial China. As a predecessor to Derrida, Lévi-Strauss clearly understood the mystifying and magical power of writing.
Along the lines of writing and invention, a chapter of Tristes Tropiques is dedicated to the Apotheosis of Augustus, a play or libretto Lévi-Strauss scratched out in the field that ostensibly had to do with the deification of the Roman emperor Augustus but which would be better understood as an experimental think piece. This think piece is primarily, in my view, an extended allegory on the hubris of traveling and exploring.
Like ethnographies of old, this one shows great aesthetic value in its many small stories, anecdotes, and vignettes. These little stories populate the pages of Tristes Tropiques with epiphanies of our human species-being, yielding narrative gems of wisdom. What the particular little story is about is not entirely relevant: getting lost alone in the jungle; a rifle accident with one of the crew; shopping in Paris for small beads and fishhooks; a tribe’s lore of flora and fauna; historical accounts of earlier explorers; boom and bust towns built on diamonds and gold but peopled with indigent lost souls; an omnipresent danger of sickness and violent death in the scrublands and jungles; natives forcing trades on the anthropologist; the anthropologist’s demonstrations of science that provoke nearly fatal accusations of witchcraft. In fact, Tristes Tropiques breaks down into a mosaic of erudite yet compassionate snapshots of bare life. As a master narrator, Lévi-Strauss rouses emotions by dramatic suspense as well as with dramatic irony. Ultimately, Lévi-Strauss presents a melancholic, almost tragic, view of the impending fate awaiting tropical civilizations, whence the title of the book.
So much for the art of ethnography. Tristes Tropiques makes almost as deep a contribution to the theory of culture. Most of Lévi-Strauss’s culture theory is hidden under layers of practice rather than in any separate theoretical component of the ethnography. While casting mild aspersions on Durkheim and Frazer, Lévi-Strauss was clearly influenced by these armchair anthropologists. From Durkheim, Lévi-Strauss adopted the idea that small scale civilizations can serve as a kind of simplified model of complex modern societies. In Tristes Tropiques, Lévi-Strauss appears to have worked with the assumption of a unified humainty. Savages are just like us, only in a less mediated and more mechanical kind of cultural matrix. From Frazer, Lévi-Strauss took the idea that savages exercise the same faculty of reason as moderns, the only difference being that savages begin from different (non-positivist) premises. Lévi-Strauss takes as his motivation the Americanists’ obsession with salvaging what information they can from vanishing small scale civilizations. Lévi-Strauss is equally motivated by his reading of Rousseau, wherein virtuous savages manage to circumvent the Fall by maintaining a pristine view of communal property and collective endeavor. Also implicit to Lévi-Strauss’ theorizing is the Marxian idea that social collectives and historical trajectories can be understood through a scientific method or through social critique. Finally, Lévi-Strauss mentions briefly how his research was being guided originally by Levy-Bruel, a virtually lost source of culture theory. Levy-Bruel believed that savages remained children in their thoughts and behavior throughout their lives, and while Lévi-Strauss implicitly rejects this idea, there are numerous passages where an endearing child-like innocence seems to be imputed to the savages.
Tristes Tropiques follows Lévi-Strauss around the world. By incorporating his adventures in India and Pakistan, the work develops some insights into humanity in general, as opposed to just life at the Brazilian frontier. Chilling are his portrayals of the poor beggars of Calcutta, in which Lévi-Strauss puzzles on the sanctity of the damned, of those without hope of living a life without hunger. Tristes Tropiques concludes, rather disappointingly, with a tepid analysis of Islamic custom and belief. Although Lévi-Strauss wisely maintains that no society is perfect (he asks, for example, how do you explain the morality of prison to cannibals?), he questionably seems to suggest that some societies are more nearly perfect than others.
I have few criticisms of this book that have not been said before by others more qualified than I. It has been frequently noted that Lévi-Strauss dedicates two sentences to his wife but three pages to his pet monkey. The wife’s name is not given (the monkey’s name is Lucinda). Also, Tristes Tropiques does little to venture beyond the male perspective. When describing the four tribes he encountered in Brazil, he often presents a male point of view, not as a bias per se, but as what Haraway would label a partial, and necessarily incomplete, perspective. Janet Siskind’s To Hunt in the Morning is a much better ethnography in regard to gender. Another criticism of Lévi-Strauss has to do with his time in the field. Clearly, the anthropologist, as protagonist in his own story, manages to frequently elide the presence of a large retinue of people and animals, giving the illusion of Robinson Crusoe in the bush. Lévi-Strauss also has been criticized for producing an at times highly subjectivist literary product, one which apparently compensates for the brevity of his actual time in the field.
One need only to look at the current dismal political situation in Brazil to be convinced that more books like Tristes Tropiques are urgently needed. The government in Brazil is currently planning to completely clear the wild places of their wild people. The people will be resettled and will be permanently under the sovereignty of American-style evangelical Christians. The wild places will then be perpetually tamed, bringing a vast windfall for Brazil's logging and mining interests. The NGO’s which seek to preserve forests and peoples from extinction are also being removed, accused of being meddlers or spies. Brazil’s cynical alibi for all this: Well, the USA did it to their natives, did it to their wild places, so how could it be wrong? Ordem e Progresso. We have today in Brazil another example of savagery being destroyed through an even greater barbarism, all in the name of civilization. Books like Tristes Tropiques help us to understand that no culture is a lost cause, not even our own. The humanity we are salvaging might very well be our own sense of what it means to be (a) human. Good ethnography not only preserves fleeting information. It also holds out the promise for a better world, perhaps even a world in accord with our true species-being.