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The Weimar Years Rise and Fall 1918-1933
Established in 1918–19, in the wake of Germany’s catastrophic defeat in the First World War and the revolution that followed swiftly on its heels, the Weimar Republic ushered in widespread social reform, a radical cultural flowering and the most democratic conditions the German people had ever known.
At its beginning, Weimar held out the hope that democracy, stability and prosperity would take root in Germany, but it was beset by frequent changes of government, waves of economic upheaval and spasms of violence of increasing intensity between the forces of left and right. Agitation and assassination by rightwing nationalists – enraged by the severity of the Treaty of Versailles and the acceptance of its terms by liberal German politicians – formed a threatening descant to the conciliatory efforts of successive coalition governments. Ultimately, the instabilities of Weimar would lead to the appointment as German Chancellor of the Nazi Fuhrer Adolf Hitler, who created a one-party dictatorship that abandoned the rule of law, democracy and civil rights. In the words of Gustav Stresemann, Germany’s Nobel Peace Prize-winning Foreign Minister from 1923 to 1929, Weimar democracy was ‘dancing on a volcano’.
The Weimar Years is a vivid and compelling narrative of a dramatic period in German history. Year by year, from 1918 to 1933, Frank McDonough covers the major events in both domestic and foreign policy and the personalities who shaped them, together with developments in music, art, theatre and literature. McDonough places particular focus on the parliamentary history of Weimar, arguing that it was the failure of parliamentary democracy to bring stability that eroded public confidence and allowed the power of the elected Reichstag to gradually diminish, culminating in Hitler’s accession to power in January 1933.
The Weimar Years is the tragic story of a rise and fall, as well as a warning of how, under poor leadership, economic pressure and unrelenting political volatility, a democracy can drift towards a form of authoritarian rule that eventually destroys it.
At its beginning, Weimar held out the hope that democracy, stability and prosperity would take root in Germany, but it was beset by frequent changes of government, waves of economic upheaval and spasms of violence of increasing intensity between the forces of left and right. Agitation and assassination by rightwing nationalists – enraged by the severity of the Treaty of Versailles and the acceptance of its terms by liberal German politicians – formed a threatening descant to the conciliatory efforts of successive coalition governments. Ultimately, the instabilities of Weimar would lead to the appointment as German Chancellor of the Nazi Fuhrer Adolf Hitler, who created a one-party dictatorship that abandoned the rule of law, democracy and civil rights. In the words of Gustav Stresemann, Germany’s Nobel Peace Prize-winning Foreign Minister from 1923 to 1929, Weimar democracy was ‘dancing on a volcano’.
The Weimar Years is a vivid and compelling narrative of a dramatic period in German history. Year by year, from 1918 to 1933, Frank McDonough covers the major events in both domestic and foreign policy and the personalities who shaped them, together with developments in music, art, theatre and literature. McDonough places particular focus on the parliamentary history of Weimar, arguing that it was the failure of parliamentary democracy to bring stability that eroded public confidence and allowed the power of the elected Reichstag to gradually diminish, culminating in Hitler’s accession to power in January 1933.
The Weimar Years is the tragic story of a rise and fall, as well as a warning of how, under poor leadership, economic pressure and unrelenting political volatility, a democracy can drift towards a form of authoritarian rule that eventually destroys it.
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First published August 31, 2023
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About the author
Frank McDonough
22 books137 followersProfessor Frank McDonough is an internationally renowned expert on the Third Reich. He was born in Liverpool, studied history at Balliol College, Oxford and gained a PhD from Lancaster University.
He has written many critically acclaimed books on the Third Reich, including: The Gestapo: The Myth and Reality of Hitler’s Secret Police (2015). Hitler and the Rise of the Nazi Party (2012), Sophie Scholl: The Woman Who Defied Hitler (2009), The Holocaust (2008), Opposition and Resistance in Nazi Germany (2001), Hitler, Chamberlain and Appeasement (2002), and Hitler and Nazi Germany (1999). He has also published many other books, most notably, The Origins of the Second World War: An International Perspective (2011), The Conservative Party and Anglo-German Relations (2007), Chamberlain, Appeasement and the British Road to War (1998) and The Origins of the First and Second World Wars (1997).
He has written many critically acclaimed books on the Third Reich, including: The Gestapo: The Myth and Reality of Hitler’s Secret Police (2015). Hitler and the Rise of the Nazi Party (2012), Sophie Scholl: The Woman Who Defied Hitler (2009), The Holocaust (2008), Opposition and Resistance in Nazi Germany (2001), Hitler, Chamberlain and Appeasement (2002), and Hitler and Nazi Germany (1999). He has also published many other books, most notably, The Origins of the Second World War: An International Perspective (2011), The Conservative Party and Anglo-German Relations (2007), Chamberlain, Appeasement and the British Road to War (1998) and The Origins of the First and Second World Wars (1997).
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 58 reviews
February 22, 2025
Governor Pritzer of Illinois reminded the country this past week that the Nazis required only a shade over 30 days to dismantle a constitutional democracy (Weimar) . Another heinous autocrat is in such an effort in the US today. The failure of everyday Germans to move beyond their focus on their day to day needs and embrace all in society as their brothers and sisters, and so fight the existential threat of Hitler ushered in the horrific period of Nazi rule and the Second World War. Reading this book now reinforces our call to fight this cancer today.
August 29, 2023
Frank McDonough's 'The Weimar Years' is the third instalment of, and also the prequel to, the critically acclaimed 'Hitler Years' volumes one and two, published over the last four years. Where the first two volumes considered the periods of Hitler's 'triumph' and Hitler's 'disaster' - 1933-1939 and 1940-1945 respectively - this new volume examines Germany's brief flirtation with democracy from the end of the First World War in 1918 to the end of the Weimar Republic in March 1933. Primarily a political history, it covers the dramatic and often brutal events that plagued the fledgling democracy in a chronological fashion, taking each year as a separate chapter, providing a detailed yet enthralling step-by-step account of fifteen years of extremes, of hopes and failures, and of the gradual descent into madness. As such, all the big events are there - the November Revolution of 1918-1919 and the birth pangs of the Republic, the occupation of the Ruhr and hyperinflation of 1923, the calm before the storm of economic collapse from 1929, and, of course, the rise of Hitler and the National Socialists. But beyond that, there are the lesser known stories of political assassination, backroom deals and personality clashes, and that other aspect that made Weimar remarkable: the explosion of new ideas in the arts and culture. It is an immense history, and one that is not only accessible but also enjoyable.
McDonough's written style plays no small part in this. Despite dealing with some extremely heavy subjects, he is light, approachable, and witty. Dry concepts and ideas, all the nitty-gritty of treaties and economic turmoil, are explained not only in a clear and never-patronising manner, but also become interesting - and relevant. One of the problems with Weimar - and one of the reasons for Hitler's later popularity - was a lack of charismatic politicians, at least in the long list of Cabinets, each one different yet somehow the same. To many, at the time and since, these men were like 'Spitting Image's' John Major: grey, dull, perhaps with too much of an interest in peas - rather than peace. They were pen-pushers, not personalities. Yet McDonough has breathed life into them in a way that few have, then and since. We care when they are assassinated or die of natural causes, brought on too early by the stress of holding the impossible together, and we see how important they actually were. It is a remarkable feat.
There is a further reason, however, for 'The Weimar Years' being so accessible: the use of pictures and illustrations. Politicians are not just faceless names, protests are not just people gathering in streets, patriotism and poverty are not just a concepts. Instead, they are there in black and white, and occasionally colour, tangible and evocative. It is a clever technique, used in both the other volumes and being more frequently utilised by other history books, to bring first-rate history to a wider audience, making the big issues and grand tales less daunting, more approachable. No longer is a volume on Weimar only attractive to a bookish few; this will engage holiday-readers, commuters, school children.
The Weimar Republic is one of those periods that will always be part of school and university curricula. My eldest son will be starting his GCSE course this year and, just as I did an unnamed number of years before, he will be studying 'Weimar and the Rise of Hitler'. There is something fascinating about it: how can a respectable society descend so quickly into supporting a regime that is not just autocratic but, very literally, murderous? This, surely, is a question that goes to the very heart of understanding the nature of civilisation and, indeed, humanity. It is the essence of the study of history, from Herodotus onwards. And McDonough doesn't disappoint: despite the amount of ink spilt over the fall of Weimar, he still manages to come up with a new, well-considered answer to that question. Whether or not individual readers agree with his conclusions is a matter of personal choice - and his arguments are so balanced, his use of evidence and explanation of historiography so thorough, that there is space to be challenged and still arrive at a different interpretation - but his reasoning is forceful and perceptive. What is more, the text is littered by one-liners - insightful yet concise, and very easy to commit to memory. Examiners for years will be spotting extracts from 'The Weimar Years'.
But don't be fooled: 'The Weimar Years' is not just for the student market, despite McDonough's long years of service as a professor of international history. It is a popular history on a subject that has somehow remained out of the popular consciousness - despite its importance and relevance. For perhaps there has never been a more necessary time to read this book than now. Although it was planned years ago - before the war in Ukraine, before Covid, before the economic shocks, and before the shambolic politics on both sides of the Atlantic, with one country leaning towards violence and 'notable' personality and the other running through a series of inept governments, and where politicians of both consider the law to be more of a guide than a rulebook - it speaks exactly to where we currently are. History, of course, never repeats itself, but it does plagiarise and it should serve as a reminder. Regimes change, society - particularly when suffering under a cost of living crisis and real or imagined external threats - fragments, people make poor decisions. 'The Weimar Years' is a history of all of that; it is the synthesis of a generation's hopes and fears; it is the story of clashing cultures and opposing outlooks, of international relations and internal explosions. It is, quite simply, a book that must be read.
McDonough's written style plays no small part in this. Despite dealing with some extremely heavy subjects, he is light, approachable, and witty. Dry concepts and ideas, all the nitty-gritty of treaties and economic turmoil, are explained not only in a clear and never-patronising manner, but also become interesting - and relevant. One of the problems with Weimar - and one of the reasons for Hitler's later popularity - was a lack of charismatic politicians, at least in the long list of Cabinets, each one different yet somehow the same. To many, at the time and since, these men were like 'Spitting Image's' John Major: grey, dull, perhaps with too much of an interest in peas - rather than peace. They were pen-pushers, not personalities. Yet McDonough has breathed life into them in a way that few have, then and since. We care when they are assassinated or die of natural causes, brought on too early by the stress of holding the impossible together, and we see how important they actually were. It is a remarkable feat.
There is a further reason, however, for 'The Weimar Years' being so accessible: the use of pictures and illustrations. Politicians are not just faceless names, protests are not just people gathering in streets, patriotism and poverty are not just a concepts. Instead, they are there in black and white, and occasionally colour, tangible and evocative. It is a clever technique, used in both the other volumes and being more frequently utilised by other history books, to bring first-rate history to a wider audience, making the big issues and grand tales less daunting, more approachable. No longer is a volume on Weimar only attractive to a bookish few; this will engage holiday-readers, commuters, school children.
The Weimar Republic is one of those periods that will always be part of school and university curricula. My eldest son will be starting his GCSE course this year and, just as I did an unnamed number of years before, he will be studying 'Weimar and the Rise of Hitler'. There is something fascinating about it: how can a respectable society descend so quickly into supporting a regime that is not just autocratic but, very literally, murderous? This, surely, is a question that goes to the very heart of understanding the nature of civilisation and, indeed, humanity. It is the essence of the study of history, from Herodotus onwards. And McDonough doesn't disappoint: despite the amount of ink spilt over the fall of Weimar, he still manages to come up with a new, well-considered answer to that question. Whether or not individual readers agree with his conclusions is a matter of personal choice - and his arguments are so balanced, his use of evidence and explanation of historiography so thorough, that there is space to be challenged and still arrive at a different interpretation - but his reasoning is forceful and perceptive. What is more, the text is littered by one-liners - insightful yet concise, and very easy to commit to memory. Examiners for years will be spotting extracts from 'The Weimar Years'.
But don't be fooled: 'The Weimar Years' is not just for the student market, despite McDonough's long years of service as a professor of international history. It is a popular history on a subject that has somehow remained out of the popular consciousness - despite its importance and relevance. For perhaps there has never been a more necessary time to read this book than now. Although it was planned years ago - before the war in Ukraine, before Covid, before the economic shocks, and before the shambolic politics on both sides of the Atlantic, with one country leaning towards violence and 'notable' personality and the other running through a series of inept governments, and where politicians of both consider the law to be more of a guide than a rulebook - it speaks exactly to where we currently are. History, of course, never repeats itself, but it does plagiarise and it should serve as a reminder. Regimes change, society - particularly when suffering under a cost of living crisis and real or imagined external threats - fragments, people make poor decisions. 'The Weimar Years' is a history of all of that; it is the synthesis of a generation's hopes and fears; it is the story of clashing cultures and opposing outlooks, of international relations and internal explosions. It is, quite simply, a book that must be read.
May 28, 2024
The party’s over: reading Frank McDonagh’s capacious and exhaustive history of Germany from 1919 to 1933 reminds me of Peter Cook’s little barb about the supposed all-enveloping libertine, bohemian atmosphere and how all that artistic licence and freedom was so effective at stopping the Nazis. Most of this book is a seemingly endless parade of angry, goose-stepping men, petty brutality and the abbreviations - oh god, all those initials (NSDAP, SPD, DNVP, DVFO, NSFP, DDPM, USPD, and for all I know USP and KFC) - how on earth did Germans ever remember which they were supposed to vote for? No wonder democracy failed - perhaps it was just that compared to this lot, “vote Hitler, vote Nazi” was snappier. When the culture bits do break through they’re a little muted - Lotte Lenya, Marlene Dietrich in Der Blaue Engel, Kurt Weil, and the Bauhaus. Weimar, it should be remembered, lasted longer than the Third Reich, and this little experiment with democracy, flawed as it was and perhaps bound to fail given the Versailles Treaty’s obvious problems, was nonetheless important in showing what could be done. Its championing of women’s rights, discreet gay liberation, a welfare state and protections for workers was, in many ways, ahead of its time, and dismantled the moment the National Socialists got into power. Hitler cunningly used the apparatus of Weimar to secure his grip before binning it off, and it was never very stable, but a brief flickering light of democracy and humane values that for a time allowed a more inclusive, forward-thinking sort of society to appear. Worth reading, if only to be reminded just how quickly and easily a totalitarianist or dictator, backed by maybe no more than a third of the electorate, can seize power and eliminate enemies, civil rights and communities.
January 15, 2024
As someone interested in the tumultuous and ultimately cataclysmic flow of modern German history, especially the Weimar and Hitler years, I recently dove into McDonough's series of books. Approaching the series in the reverse order that he wrote them, I started with The Weimar Years. The author's methodical chronology connects disparate events into a cohesive and comprehensive narrative, making complex historical developments accessible and engaging. A thematic approach, by contrast, would have been more challenging for a beginner, as the reader would struggle to determine the full context of the succession of events.
One of the most intriguing aspects of these books is the nuanced portrayal of Paul von Hindenburg. Growing up in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s, I was exposed to documentaries that often depicted Hindenburg as senile and easily misled. Contrary to this, the author presents a different, more multifaceted image of Hindenburg. He's portrayed not as a feeble old man but as a figure of aristocratic duty and nationalist ambition, initially hoping to restore the monarchy. As the narrative unfolds, we see Hindenburg's role evolve. Initially, he appears to be in an uneasy alliance with the moderate Left, defending the Weimar constitution. However, his discomfort with this position soon becomes apparent as he begins to exploit Article 48, shifting from supporting a Zentrum chancellor's minority government to bypassing party politics altogether, relying on his conservative, nonpartisan friends. This analysis provides a refreshing if dismal perspective, challenging the simplistic characterizations I had previously encountered.
The author's exploration of the Freedom Law campaign and its role in Hitler's rise to power is another highlight. This campaign is shown as a pivotal moment that brought Hitler from the fringes into the national spotlight. More importantly, the book suggests a significant psychological shift in German society at the time, particularly among the youth. This shift, as posited by the author, was marked by favoring non-parliamentary solutions over traditional political processes, a trend that intriguingly emerged even before the Great Depression's full impact. This analysis led me to contemplate the unique circumstances in Germany that diverged from the paths followed by other Western countries grappling with similar crises.
Admittedly, my grasp of this period's intricate political and social dynamics is limited. Still, the author's compelling narrative and insightful analysis have significantly deepened my (albeit: initially rudimentary) understanding of this critical period in modern history. Whether it's unraveling the complex character of Hindenburg or exploring the societal shifts that set the stage for Hitler's rise, the series offers a thorough and captivating exploration of a distressingly pivotal era. And the author's concluding thoughts about the demise of Weimar, i.e., that it was caused by predatory presidential leadership, combined with legislative paralysis and a volatile economy, is a disturbing parallel with the Trump era.
One of the most intriguing aspects of these books is the nuanced portrayal of Paul von Hindenburg. Growing up in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s, I was exposed to documentaries that often depicted Hindenburg as senile and easily misled. Contrary to this, the author presents a different, more multifaceted image of Hindenburg. He's portrayed not as a feeble old man but as a figure of aristocratic duty and nationalist ambition, initially hoping to restore the monarchy. As the narrative unfolds, we see Hindenburg's role evolve. Initially, he appears to be in an uneasy alliance with the moderate Left, defending the Weimar constitution. However, his discomfort with this position soon becomes apparent as he begins to exploit Article 48, shifting from supporting a Zentrum chancellor's minority government to bypassing party politics altogether, relying on his conservative, nonpartisan friends. This analysis provides a refreshing if dismal perspective, challenging the simplistic characterizations I had previously encountered.
The author's exploration of the Freedom Law campaign and its role in Hitler's rise to power is another highlight. This campaign is shown as a pivotal moment that brought Hitler from the fringes into the national spotlight. More importantly, the book suggests a significant psychological shift in German society at the time, particularly among the youth. This shift, as posited by the author, was marked by favoring non-parliamentary solutions over traditional political processes, a trend that intriguingly emerged even before the Great Depression's full impact. This analysis led me to contemplate the unique circumstances in Germany that diverged from the paths followed by other Western countries grappling with similar crises.
Admittedly, my grasp of this period's intricate political and social dynamics is limited. Still, the author's compelling narrative and insightful analysis have significantly deepened my (albeit: initially rudimentary) understanding of this critical period in modern history. Whether it's unraveling the complex character of Hindenburg or exploring the societal shifts that set the stage for Hitler's rise, the series offers a thorough and captivating exploration of a distressingly pivotal era. And the author's concluding thoughts about the demise of Weimar, i.e., that it was caused by predatory presidential leadership, combined with legislative paralysis and a volatile economy, is a disturbing parallel with the Trump era.
March 29, 2024
This is a new one volume history of the Weimar Republic in Germany, which lasted from the end of WW1 in 1918 to the appointment of Hitler as Chancellor on January 30, 1933. The story is well known and a bit complex, involving the events at the start of the Republic, the background of the financial traumas leading to the great inflation of 1923, the rise of right wing extremism, the dynamics of international relations in Europe in the 1920s, and the Great Depression after 1929. There are lots more events that are noteworthy. The story also involves strong and weak leaders, who moved the history along and without whom the Weimar Republic would have turned out differently, most notably Gustav Stresemann. McDonough is also aware of the cultural tradition of the Weimar Republic and talks in detail about the art, music, architecture, and literature of the period.
Most engaged readers will have encountered some aspects of this history. It is worthwhile to read the history altogether in a single (albeit long) volume. What I really liked about this book was how McDonough does not shy away from analyzing and drawing conclusions about what happened and why it happened. He is also well aware of the links between the Weimar period and the current instabilities that seem to engulf democracies in Europe, the US, and the Americas. I would not draw strong parallels - the stories are too complicated if taken seriously and thought about. The idea of history not repeating itself but rhyming does come to mind. There are certainly other one volume histories of the Weimar period (Germany Tried Democracy, for example). This is a good one, however, and well worth reading.
Most engaged readers will have encountered some aspects of this history. It is worthwhile to read the history altogether in a single (albeit long) volume. What I really liked about this book was how McDonough does not shy away from analyzing and drawing conclusions about what happened and why it happened. He is also well aware of the links between the Weimar period and the current instabilities that seem to engulf democracies in Europe, the US, and the Americas. I would not draw strong parallels - the stories are too complicated if taken seriously and thought about. The idea of history not repeating itself but rhyming does come to mind. There are certainly other one volume histories of the Weimar period (Germany Tried Democracy, for example). This is a good one, however, and well worth reading.
November 23, 2025
FINALLY! Loved this book so in-depth, easy to read and interesting. It’s helped me so much with A level history, Germany history is incredibly interesting there’s so many lessons about power, elitism and democracy that can be learned and I think this book tells that those stories really well. One of my favourite parts is the how it breaks misconceptions, it points out that Nazi electoral support was very rural, that Hitler was a dynamic politician however only really between 1930-1933 and there’s many more. Final thing is the way it balances between telling Hitlers story and Weimar’s, the book acknowledges that he was part of the era but he was not the main character for most of it. There’s some really in depth insights into him but it didn’t feel like an autobiography of him and the insights come when they are relevant to the story not just randomly. Overall very good book.
April 28, 2025
A workmanlike narrative about Germany, 1918-30.
September 19, 2023
Professor Frank McDonough is an expert chronicler of 20th century German history, and is a master of his craft. This book completes a trilogy of three volumes, the first being The Hitler Years-Triumph 1933-1939, and the second The Hitler Years-Disaster 1940-1945. The Weimar Years is a fascinating read and is set out in a year by year chronological order. The book is also beautifully presented and illustrated throughout. Each chapter details the significant events, and prominent people involved during this pivotal period of German history. McDonough captures the historical drama of the Weimar period and Germanys final decent into a brutal dictatorship. I enjoyed reading this book immensely and learned so much about a period of history that was previously vague to me. Well done to Professor McDonough, his book is a fantastic read and I thoroughly recommend it to anyone who wishes to learn more about this period of history.
June 5, 2025
Boken gav en stark sammanfattning av tidsperioden och lyckas få med de större dragen kring vad som skedde. Saknar lite djup kring hur aktörerna resonerade i sitt agerande t.ex hade SPD och KPD någon plan för att motverka utvecklingen? Denna brist är emellertid högst förstålig med tanke på tidsrymden som behandlas.
Tycker även analysen kring varför demokratin dog hade kunnat utvecklas, men att man vill ha mer är ett tecken på bokens kvalité.
Tycker även analysen kring varför demokratin dog hade kunnat utvecklas, men att man vill ha mer är ett tecken på bokens kvalité.
January 23, 2025
Very good exposition of 1918 - 1932 Germany, the unstable democracy and economy, riven by Versailles, inflation, and the increasing rise of the extreme right and left, whilst at the same time being a period of extreme creativity - see Bauhaus and Metropolis. A necessary book to read for those seeking to understand what followed...
January 24, 2025
Superbly written and highly detailed examination of Germany after the end of The Great War until the election of Hitler.
June 22, 2025
3 stars
While this was an overall enjoyable and interesting read, I also have my fair share of complaints about it;
- this was marketed wrong in my opinion. While the back of the book states it is related to this author’s books on the Third Reich, it also gives the impression that this stands completely on its own which isn’t really the case, easily 100 pages of this book are just about Hitler which, while interesting too, should at least be communicated clearly. I was under the assumption of this being way less focused on the extreme right and more about Weimar politics overall and its cultural zeitgeist, which is also kind of true but not entirely.
- aside from parliamentary politics, other parts of the Weimar political spectrum are essentially ignored.
- this book feels very unorganised within its chapters. Like, the author will be talking about a significant movie production in the 20s - line break (not even a paragraph break) - parliament disbanded, here are the election results. I’m aware it’s meant to be chronological but there are various instances of the author breaking out of the chronological order to add on the later consequences of a line of events and at other times he’s jumping from topic to topic without rhyme or reason just because they happened to happen in the same timeframe without any direct links.
- as a native German speaker, there were a handful of minor mistranslations that bugged me while reading.
- even less significant than the previous point but in the conclusion on why Weimar democracy failed, the author partially blames the fall of democracy on Weimar Germany not having a two-party system specifically which ??? Like yes, the lack of entry barrier to the parliament was an issue but a two-party system isn’t the only solution (our current 5%-hurdle is doing the job too)
While this was an overall enjoyable and interesting read, I also have my fair share of complaints about it;
- this was marketed wrong in my opinion. While the back of the book states it is related to this author’s books on the Third Reich, it also gives the impression that this stands completely on its own which isn’t really the case, easily 100 pages of this book are just about Hitler which, while interesting too, should at least be communicated clearly. I was under the assumption of this being way less focused on the extreme right and more about Weimar politics overall and its cultural zeitgeist, which is also kind of true but not entirely.
- aside from parliamentary politics, other parts of the Weimar political spectrum are essentially ignored.
- this book feels very unorganised within its chapters. Like, the author will be talking about a significant movie production in the 20s - line break (not even a paragraph break) - parliament disbanded, here are the election results. I’m aware it’s meant to be chronological but there are various instances of the author breaking out of the chronological order to add on the later consequences of a line of events and at other times he’s jumping from topic to topic without rhyme or reason just because they happened to happen in the same timeframe without any direct links.
- as a native German speaker, there were a handful of minor mistranslations that bugged me while reading.
- even less significant than the previous point but in the conclusion on why Weimar democracy failed, the author partially blames the fall of democracy on Weimar Germany not having a two-party system specifically which ??? Like yes, the lack of entry barrier to the parliament was an issue but a two-party system isn’t the only solution (our current 5%-hurdle is doing the job too)
June 29, 2025
3.75/5
Decent, not much to say about it. Very detailed political (foreign and domestic) history of the Weimar Republic, year by year. The occasional mention of cultural stuff like the release of Metropolis or various other arty things. However, it has really dry writing. A lot of X happened then Y happened. Additionally it can feel a bit like list after list - every election the author will describe how much each major party got in votes and seats, and what the change was. Every time there was a new cabinet or coalition there's a list of all the new ministers and their positions (and this is the Weimar Republic I'm, talking about so this happens quite regularly)
Recommended if you want an in-depth political history of Weimar Germany and can tolerate dry textbookish writing, otherwise skip.
Decent, not much to say about it. Very detailed political (foreign and domestic) history of the Weimar Republic, year by year. The occasional mention of cultural stuff like the release of Metropolis or various other arty things. However, it has really dry writing. A lot of X happened then Y happened. Additionally it can feel a bit like list after list - every election the author will describe how much each major party got in votes and seats, and what the change was. Every time there was a new cabinet or coalition there's a list of all the new ministers and their positions (and this is the Weimar Republic I'm, talking about so this happens quite regularly)
Recommended if you want an in-depth political history of Weimar Germany and can tolerate dry textbookish writing, otherwise skip.
March 9, 2025
The Weimar Years by Frank McDonough
https://www.amazon.com/dp/B0CMV6WFY8/...
Prior to this book, I knew a lot about the Weimar years as a general proposition. I knew about the inflation, depression, rise of Hitler, and German voting patterns. My knowledge, however, was very compartmentalized. I had a bunch of trees in view but not a vision of the forest in gestalt. This book provides such a view, while adding detail to the trees (to continue the metaphor.)
The book is organized chronologically. Each chapter covers a year, and the year is unfolded from beginning to end in the chapter. The book is a survey rather than a deep dive into a particular topic. No topic gets more than a page or two, but the book covers a breadth of subjects. Along with politics and economics – which are the main topics of the book – author McDonough brings in Weimar cultural topics, such as Bauhaus architecture, the movie Metropolis, the Three Penny Opera, Marlene Deitrich’s lesbian relationships, and Berlin’s cabaret scene. I was fascinated by McDonough’s explanation of how “Mack the Knife” (“Mackie Messer”) was one of the popular songs to come out of the “Three Penny Opera. Another point I discerned was that there was a great deal of nihilism in Weimar culture in things like the Three Penny Opera, Metropolis, and other bits of popular culture. This nihilism undoubtedly grew out of the carnage of losing a large percentage of the population in the Great War.
McDonough gives the reader a good overview of the difficulties that Germans were facing at the end of World War I. Their country had pariah status. They had lost substantial territory to neighboring countries. They were expected to pay billions in reparations and the French had the right to occupy German territory in the Ruhr to obtain payment. Germans were supposed to acknowledge their war guilt, but at the same time, some people, such as John Maynard Keynes were accusing the allies of imposing a “Carthaginian Peace.” This theme was to become part of the backdrop for the appeasement of Hitler in the 1930s.
These burdens put the German economy into hyperinflation, a situation that the allies asserted was engineered by the Germans to avoid reparation payments. Eventually, Germany recovered its economic footing, renegotiated reparation terms, and experienced some good economic years between 1923 and 1928. (Reparations would end in 1930 with the “Hoover Moratorium.”)
The German political experience ran parallel with its economy. Weimar was supported by a handful of political parties that made up the largest single part of the Reichstag. These parties were the Catholic Center Party (“Zentrum” or “Z”), the Socialist Party (“SPD”), and the German Democratic Party (“DDP”). The backbone of democracy were the Catholics, the Socialists, and the liberals. At either end were the non-democratic parties running from the Communists (“KPD”), who had merged with the Spartacists, to the German National People’s Party (“DNVP.”) There were also a large number of specialty parties, all of which prevented the emergence of a solid ruling party structure.
In theory, elections were to be held every four years. In reality, no ruling party managed to hold on for as long as a year. There was a constant reshuffling of cabinets and governments as ruling governments lost confidence votes. After 1923, the largest party in the Reichstag was the Socialist Party but it either refused to join ruling coalitions or was not asked by the conservative Reichspresident Hindenburg from forming a government. The SPD often held the balance of power in supporting more conservative cabinets.
McDonough lays a large share of responsibility for the failure of Weimar at the feet of Hindenburg. I was surprised to find out how much Hindenburg was involved in the mechanism of Weimar’s government. Under the Weimar Constitution, the President made the decision who would form a government. Hindenburg did not have to ask the leader of the largest party to form a government, and he was dead set against asking the SPD to do any such thing. As of 1930, Hindenburg began selecting men outside of the Reichstag – Bruning, Papen, and Schleicher – to form governments of cabinet members who were not
Themselves members of the Reichstag.
This was new information to me. I had always read that Papen was a Center Party politician. I assumed that he was the leader of the Center Party. To the contrary, he had been a member of the Prussian parliament but had lost his seat and was not in any government at the time he was asked by Hindenburg to form a government. Papen knew the Reichspresident though Hindenburg’s son, Oscar. Papen was told by Zentrum that he would be expelled from the party if he accepted Hindenburg’s offer of the Chancellorship.
In addition, the Weimar constitution permitted the President to issue emergency decrees (or to authorize the Chancellor to issue such decrees.) After 1929, Hindenburg began to allow his picked non-Reichstag Chancellors to issue such emergency decrees. The Chancellors also had the power to dissolve the Reichstag and call for new elections, which would leave the decrees in place until the new Reichstag. After 1929, Hindenburg’s Chancellors began to use this power more. As a result the number of times the Reichstag met, and the length of time it met, declined precipitously.
By the time Hitler was made Chancellor in 1933 – with the express term that he would pass an enabling act to allow him to rule without the Reichstag – Germany had been pre-adapted to dictatorship.
The rise of the Nazis from 1929 was meteoric. McDonogh calls the claim that it was unemployment that promoted their cause a “myth.” The NSDAP began its rise in local elections in 1928, prior to the Depression. In addition, NSDAP strength was in rural (and Protestant) areas that were less affected by unemployment.
The Nazis had a few things going for them. Hitler was a natural self-promoter who obtained national notoriety though his association with Ludendorff during the Beerhall Putsch. The banning of Hitler and the NSDAP also had a “Streisand affect” of focusing attention on him as an alternative to democracy. The NSDAP was also organized under the “Fuhrer principle” like a secret society and it had a scientific approach to propaganda.
McDonough confirms that the Nazi breakthrough was in Protestant areas. Catholic areas remained loyal to Zentrum. On the other hand, the SPD lost voters to its leftward competitor, the KPD.
The Nazis never had a majority, but they had become the largest party in the Reichstag. Hindenburg was persuaded that Hitler could be “tamed” by making him Chancellor with Papen as Vice Chancellor and other cabinet appointments going to the DNVP.
As we know, Hindenburg was wrong.
Given the mythic importance of this period, and the ignorance about this period, this is an important book to read. Recently, we had the spectacle of a leftwing news anchor inform the conservative Secretary of State that Hitler had taken power because of “free speech.” This book shares the number of bans on Hitler’s speaking during the Weimar period. There was certainly a judicial bias that allowed nationalists to commit crimes while communists were severely punished, which is far more analogous to the treatment of Antifa and J6 protesters, but does not favor the left’s project of analogizing conservatives to Nazis.
Better information would make for better dialogue.
https://www.amazon.com/dp/B0CMV6WFY8/...
Prior to this book, I knew a lot about the Weimar years as a general proposition. I knew about the inflation, depression, rise of Hitler, and German voting patterns. My knowledge, however, was very compartmentalized. I had a bunch of trees in view but not a vision of the forest in gestalt. This book provides such a view, while adding detail to the trees (to continue the metaphor.)
The book is organized chronologically. Each chapter covers a year, and the year is unfolded from beginning to end in the chapter. The book is a survey rather than a deep dive into a particular topic. No topic gets more than a page or two, but the book covers a breadth of subjects. Along with politics and economics – which are the main topics of the book – author McDonough brings in Weimar cultural topics, such as Bauhaus architecture, the movie Metropolis, the Three Penny Opera, Marlene Deitrich’s lesbian relationships, and Berlin’s cabaret scene. I was fascinated by McDonough’s explanation of how “Mack the Knife” (“Mackie Messer”) was one of the popular songs to come out of the “Three Penny Opera. Another point I discerned was that there was a great deal of nihilism in Weimar culture in things like the Three Penny Opera, Metropolis, and other bits of popular culture. This nihilism undoubtedly grew out of the carnage of losing a large percentage of the population in the Great War.
McDonough gives the reader a good overview of the difficulties that Germans were facing at the end of World War I. Their country had pariah status. They had lost substantial territory to neighboring countries. They were expected to pay billions in reparations and the French had the right to occupy German territory in the Ruhr to obtain payment. Germans were supposed to acknowledge their war guilt, but at the same time, some people, such as John Maynard Keynes were accusing the allies of imposing a “Carthaginian Peace.” This theme was to become part of the backdrop for the appeasement of Hitler in the 1930s.
These burdens put the German economy into hyperinflation, a situation that the allies asserted was engineered by the Germans to avoid reparation payments. Eventually, Germany recovered its economic footing, renegotiated reparation terms, and experienced some good economic years between 1923 and 1928. (Reparations would end in 1930 with the “Hoover Moratorium.”)
The German political experience ran parallel with its economy. Weimar was supported by a handful of political parties that made up the largest single part of the Reichstag. These parties were the Catholic Center Party (“Zentrum” or “Z”), the Socialist Party (“SPD”), and the German Democratic Party (“DDP”). The backbone of democracy were the Catholics, the Socialists, and the liberals. At either end were the non-democratic parties running from the Communists (“KPD”), who had merged with the Spartacists, to the German National People’s Party (“DNVP.”) There were also a large number of specialty parties, all of which prevented the emergence of a solid ruling party structure.
In theory, elections were to be held every four years. In reality, no ruling party managed to hold on for as long as a year. There was a constant reshuffling of cabinets and governments as ruling governments lost confidence votes. After 1923, the largest party in the Reichstag was the Socialist Party but it either refused to join ruling coalitions or was not asked by the conservative Reichspresident Hindenburg from forming a government. The SPD often held the balance of power in supporting more conservative cabinets.
McDonough lays a large share of responsibility for the failure of Weimar at the feet of Hindenburg. I was surprised to find out how much Hindenburg was involved in the mechanism of Weimar’s government. Under the Weimar Constitution, the President made the decision who would form a government. Hindenburg did not have to ask the leader of the largest party to form a government, and he was dead set against asking the SPD to do any such thing. As of 1930, Hindenburg began selecting men outside of the Reichstag – Bruning, Papen, and Schleicher – to form governments of cabinet members who were not
Themselves members of the Reichstag.
This was new information to me. I had always read that Papen was a Center Party politician. I assumed that he was the leader of the Center Party. To the contrary, he had been a member of the Prussian parliament but had lost his seat and was not in any government at the time he was asked by Hindenburg to form a government. Papen knew the Reichspresident though Hindenburg’s son, Oscar. Papen was told by Zentrum that he would be expelled from the party if he accepted Hindenburg’s offer of the Chancellorship.
In addition, the Weimar constitution permitted the President to issue emergency decrees (or to authorize the Chancellor to issue such decrees.) After 1929, Hindenburg began to allow his picked non-Reichstag Chancellors to issue such emergency decrees. The Chancellors also had the power to dissolve the Reichstag and call for new elections, which would leave the decrees in place until the new Reichstag. After 1929, Hindenburg’s Chancellors began to use this power more. As a result the number of times the Reichstag met, and the length of time it met, declined precipitously.
By the time Hitler was made Chancellor in 1933 – with the express term that he would pass an enabling act to allow him to rule without the Reichstag – Germany had been pre-adapted to dictatorship.
The rise of the Nazis from 1929 was meteoric. McDonogh calls the claim that it was unemployment that promoted their cause a “myth.” The NSDAP began its rise in local elections in 1928, prior to the Depression. In addition, NSDAP strength was in rural (and Protestant) areas that were less affected by unemployment.
The Nazis had a few things going for them. Hitler was a natural self-promoter who obtained national notoriety though his association with Ludendorff during the Beerhall Putsch. The banning of Hitler and the NSDAP also had a “Streisand affect” of focusing attention on him as an alternative to democracy. The NSDAP was also organized under the “Fuhrer principle” like a secret society and it had a scientific approach to propaganda.
McDonough confirms that the Nazi breakthrough was in Protestant areas. Catholic areas remained loyal to Zentrum. On the other hand, the SPD lost voters to its leftward competitor, the KPD.
The Nazis never had a majority, but they had become the largest party in the Reichstag. Hindenburg was persuaded that Hitler could be “tamed” by making him Chancellor with Papen as Vice Chancellor and other cabinet appointments going to the DNVP.
As we know, Hindenburg was wrong.
Given the mythic importance of this period, and the ignorance about this period, this is an important book to read. Recently, we had the spectacle of a leftwing news anchor inform the conservative Secretary of State that Hitler had taken power because of “free speech.” This book shares the number of bans on Hitler’s speaking during the Weimar period. There was certainly a judicial bias that allowed nationalists to commit crimes while communists were severely punished, which is far more analogous to the treatment of Antifa and J6 protesters, but does not favor the left’s project of analogizing conservatives to Nazis.
Better information would make for better dialogue.
February 29, 2024
At nearly 600 pages, it's a bit of a slog to finish. The difficulty I encountered was that the story was complicated but repetitive. That's not a criticism but more of a comment on the subject matter. The strength of the book is great detail that McDonough spends on describing the many governments Germany had during the Weimar period. He identifies the most important politicians and political parties in chronological order, rather than thematically. If you are looking for a good resource on the politics of the period, I strongly recommend The Weimar Years.
The repetition comes into play when he discusses the factors behind the rise and fall of these governments, namely the pain and burden of reparations, political fragmentation, a Constitution that allowed for the President to suspend certain provisions unilaterally and perhaps most importantly, a preference for authoritarianism among several parties and a large segment of the population. While these details were essential to the book that McDonough chose to write, I would have preferred that more of this information was summarized.
For me the best chapters were the early chapters, when he discusses the political climate in Germany at the end of WWI and the final chapter on the end of the Weimar period. McDonough takes issue with the historians who attribute Weimar's demise to the Great Depression. He points out that other countries, such as the United Kingdom and the US, also experienced economic problems on a par with Germany but that their democracies did not collapse. Instead he places more weight on the economic and political forces peculiar to Germany, particularly the indifference of the Hindenburg Presidency to protecting democracy and the defects in the Weimar Constitution that led to a highly fragmented political system that hindered the ability of center-left and center-right parties to resolve the country's most pressing problems.
I agree with McDonough's view that the Great Depression was not the major factor behind the rise of the Nazis but I don't think he really explains why the Nazis gained so much support in the early 1930s. One of the strengths of the book is showing how the different parties fared in parliamentary elections during the entire Weimar period. The Nazi had minimal support in the Reichstag until the 1930s and then over over 12 to 24 months became the largest single party in the legislature. What explains this sudden rise to power? For McDonough, this growth was due to the utopian vision Hitler offered that would result would result in an authoritarian system that would end the chaos and instability of democratically elected governments. Again I don't disagree with this assessment, but it still doesn't answer the question of why the Nazi approach and vision was so appealing to so many Germans.
For me, the biggest shortcoming in the book was its minimal coverage of the cultural scene in Weimar Germany. Developments in art, cinema and literature were not omitted from the book but were essentially added on to discussions of political events. In the book, McDonough jumps from politics to culture with no transition and minimal background on the cultural developments. I think that sub-chapter heading would have helped with the transitions. More important than the abrupt transitions, I would have a discussion on how the two spheres influenced and reacted to each other.
One challenge for the non-expert is the plethora of parties and their abbreviations. With the exception of the Social Democratic and the Communist parties, the party names are not particularly descriptive of their ideological orientation. Moreover, the party names in German tend to be long, abbreviated with acronyms and are very similar, with many of the names starting with D (for Deutschland). McDonough describes the ideology and class orientation of these parties in the early chapters but in the later chapters, this reader could not always recall their salient points. One advantage of the e-book over the hard-copy is that enables the reader to do a search to find those initial descriptions.
The repetition comes into play when he discusses the factors behind the rise and fall of these governments, namely the pain and burden of reparations, political fragmentation, a Constitution that allowed for the President to suspend certain provisions unilaterally and perhaps most importantly, a preference for authoritarianism among several parties and a large segment of the population. While these details were essential to the book that McDonough chose to write, I would have preferred that more of this information was summarized.
For me the best chapters were the early chapters, when he discusses the political climate in Germany at the end of WWI and the final chapter on the end of the Weimar period. McDonough takes issue with the historians who attribute Weimar's demise to the Great Depression. He points out that other countries, such as the United Kingdom and the US, also experienced economic problems on a par with Germany but that their democracies did not collapse. Instead he places more weight on the economic and political forces peculiar to Germany, particularly the indifference of the Hindenburg Presidency to protecting democracy and the defects in the Weimar Constitution that led to a highly fragmented political system that hindered the ability of center-left and center-right parties to resolve the country's most pressing problems.
I agree with McDonough's view that the Great Depression was not the major factor behind the rise of the Nazis but I don't think he really explains why the Nazis gained so much support in the early 1930s. One of the strengths of the book is showing how the different parties fared in parliamentary elections during the entire Weimar period. The Nazi had minimal support in the Reichstag until the 1930s and then over over 12 to 24 months became the largest single party in the legislature. What explains this sudden rise to power? For McDonough, this growth was due to the utopian vision Hitler offered that would result would result in an authoritarian system that would end the chaos and instability of democratically elected governments. Again I don't disagree with this assessment, but it still doesn't answer the question of why the Nazi approach and vision was so appealing to so many Germans.
For me, the biggest shortcoming in the book was its minimal coverage of the cultural scene in Weimar Germany. Developments in art, cinema and literature were not omitted from the book but were essentially added on to discussions of political events. In the book, McDonough jumps from politics to culture with no transition and minimal background on the cultural developments. I think that sub-chapter heading would have helped with the transitions. More important than the abrupt transitions, I would have a discussion on how the two spheres influenced and reacted to each other.
One challenge for the non-expert is the plethora of parties and their abbreviations. With the exception of the Social Democratic and the Communist parties, the party names are not particularly descriptive of their ideological orientation. Moreover, the party names in German tend to be long, abbreviated with acronyms and are very similar, with many of the names starting with D (for Deutschland). McDonough describes the ideology and class orientation of these parties in the early chapters but in the later chapters, this reader could not always recall their salient points. One advantage of the e-book over the hard-copy is that enables the reader to do a search to find those initial descriptions.
Read
November 6, 2023Who – or what – killed Weimar democracy? It’s an important question, without as obvious an answer as we might think. In The Weimar Years – the third volume in his Hitler Years series – Frank McDonough tackles the question head-on, providing convincing answers. The book also fills an unexpected gap: despite the huge general interest in the subject, finding a detailed narrative history of Weimar Germany is not easy. The historiography is saturated with works focusing on specific (albeit important) aspects of the era such as culture, economics or foreign policy, while the rise of Adolf Hitler dominates the public sphere. By simply providing a what-exactly-happened-and-when style overview, The Weimar Years is a very welcome addition.
Like the previous books in this series,The Weimar Years proceeds chronologically, each chapter focusing on a specific year, from Germany’s defeat in the First World War in 1918 to Hitler’s appointment as Chancellor in 1933. We encounter the events and features that informed readers would expect from a history of Germany’s doomed interwar democracy: the useless piles of banknotes (used as wallpaper), the Kapp and Munich putsches, the secret military agreements with Russia and the street battles between Nazis and Communists. It is the most lucid overview of the Weimar Republic that I have read.
One of the reasons for this is McDonough’s engagement with recent scholarship, such as Volker Ullrich’s masterful biography, Hitler: Ascent, 1889-1939 (2013). This enables McDonough to challenge various myths: the assumption that Hitler dictated Mein Kampf to his fellow prisoner Rudolf Hess (in fact he typed it himself), for example, or the overstated impact of unemployment on Nazi electoral prospects and, yes, the bizarrely enduring mystery of Hitler’s testicles. Despite being diagnosed with cryptorchidism (an undescended right testicle) by the Landsberg prison doctor, in 1944 Hitler’s own doctor Erwin Giesing reported that his genitals were normal, while the Soviet autopsy in 1945 stated that his left, not right, testicle was missing. Beyond the Nazis, McDonough expresses scepticism concerning the prevalence of female equality in Weimar Germany. He reminds readers that the Weimar Republic lasted longer than Hitler’s Third Reich, an impressive achievement for which German democrats, despite their faults, deserve to be remembered. Focusing on high policy, each Weimar cabinet is discussed in detail, election statistics are scrutinised, and many words are devoted to economics. But McDonough also includes important cultural developments such as the Bauhaus movement, Fritz Lang’s Metropolis and the comparatively progressive attitudes towards sexuality, particularly in Berlin’s cabaret clubs. Such cultural insights provide a welcome break from the ‘toxic’ atmosphere of Weimar politics.
Read the rest of the review at HistoryToday.com.
Luke Daly-Groves teaches Modern European History at the University of Central Lancashire.
Like the previous books in this series,The Weimar Years proceeds chronologically, each chapter focusing on a specific year, from Germany’s defeat in the First World War in 1918 to Hitler’s appointment as Chancellor in 1933. We encounter the events and features that informed readers would expect from a history of Germany’s doomed interwar democracy: the useless piles of banknotes (used as wallpaper), the Kapp and Munich putsches, the secret military agreements with Russia and the street battles between Nazis and Communists. It is the most lucid overview of the Weimar Republic that I have read.
One of the reasons for this is McDonough’s engagement with recent scholarship, such as Volker Ullrich’s masterful biography, Hitler: Ascent, 1889-1939 (2013). This enables McDonough to challenge various myths: the assumption that Hitler dictated Mein Kampf to his fellow prisoner Rudolf Hess (in fact he typed it himself), for example, or the overstated impact of unemployment on Nazi electoral prospects and, yes, the bizarrely enduring mystery of Hitler’s testicles. Despite being diagnosed with cryptorchidism (an undescended right testicle) by the Landsberg prison doctor, in 1944 Hitler’s own doctor Erwin Giesing reported that his genitals were normal, while the Soviet autopsy in 1945 stated that his left, not right, testicle was missing. Beyond the Nazis, McDonough expresses scepticism concerning the prevalence of female equality in Weimar Germany. He reminds readers that the Weimar Republic lasted longer than Hitler’s Third Reich, an impressive achievement for which German democrats, despite their faults, deserve to be remembered. Focusing on high policy, each Weimar cabinet is discussed in detail, election statistics are scrutinised, and many words are devoted to economics. But McDonough also includes important cultural developments such as the Bauhaus movement, Fritz Lang’s Metropolis and the comparatively progressive attitudes towards sexuality, particularly in Berlin’s cabaret clubs. Such cultural insights provide a welcome break from the ‘toxic’ atmosphere of Weimar politics.
Read the rest of the review at HistoryToday.com.
Luke Daly-Groves teaches Modern European History at the University of Central Lancashire.
March 16, 2025
McDonough's account shifts our gaze from Hitler—that obsessive focal point of so much historiography—to figures like Gustav Stresemann and Paul von Hindenburg. Hitler appears eighty pages into McDonough's narrative, remaining peripheral through much of the text—exactly as he was through much of Weimar's existence. Admittedly refreshing to see history not as a teleological march toward the Third Reich but as a series of contestable political moments.
The portrait of Stresemann that emerges is particularly compelling. Here was a politician of rare diplomatic skill who achieved what seemed impossible: internal political compromise within the fractured Republic while simultaneously rebuilding Germany's international standing through peaceful engagement. His triumph at Locarno represented a genuine alternative path. I found myself moved by the description of his Nobel Peace Prize, awarded just three years before his death in 1929. What haunts me is not just the question of whether Stresemann could have saved German democracy but what his example tells us about the fragility of political alternatives. History's losers often have more to teach us than its victors.
The constitutional architecture of Weimar democracy deserves special scrutiny. McDonough persuasively argues that structural defects, particularly Article 48's emergency powers and the difficulties created by proportional representation, were more decisive than economic factors in driving Germans toward extremism. The Weimar constitution contained the seeds of its own destruction, allowing Hindenburg to govern according to his right-wing preferences while disregarding the elected Reichstag. Democracy's legal forms provided the very tools for its dismantlement.
There's this repeated imagery of funerals. Each assassination, each political murder, becomes another nail in democracy's coffin. This morbid procession culminates in Hindenburg's role as both "grave digger" and "undertaker" of the Republic. The metaphor is apt. Democracy rarely dies in a single moment of violence; instead, it suffers a thousand cuts, its vitality slowly draining away while institutions meant to protect it become mechanisms for its destruction.
As I close the book, I'm struck by McDonough's reminder that the Weimar Republic lasted longer than Hitler's Third Reich—a testament to German democrats who, despite their failures, created something worthy of remembrance. History's losers deserve our attention not just for the lessons of their defeat but for the alternative possibilities they represented.
The portrait of Stresemann that emerges is particularly compelling. Here was a politician of rare diplomatic skill who achieved what seemed impossible: internal political compromise within the fractured Republic while simultaneously rebuilding Germany's international standing through peaceful engagement. His triumph at Locarno represented a genuine alternative path. I found myself moved by the description of his Nobel Peace Prize, awarded just three years before his death in 1929. What haunts me is not just the question of whether Stresemann could have saved German democracy but what his example tells us about the fragility of political alternatives. History's losers often have more to teach us than its victors.
The constitutional architecture of Weimar democracy deserves special scrutiny. McDonough persuasively argues that structural defects, particularly Article 48's emergency powers and the difficulties created by proportional representation, were more decisive than economic factors in driving Germans toward extremism. The Weimar constitution contained the seeds of its own destruction, allowing Hindenburg to govern according to his right-wing preferences while disregarding the elected Reichstag. Democracy's legal forms provided the very tools for its dismantlement.
There's this repeated imagery of funerals. Each assassination, each political murder, becomes another nail in democracy's coffin. This morbid procession culminates in Hindenburg's role as both "grave digger" and "undertaker" of the Republic. The metaphor is apt. Democracy rarely dies in a single moment of violence; instead, it suffers a thousand cuts, its vitality slowly draining away while institutions meant to protect it become mechanisms for its destruction.
As I close the book, I'm struck by McDonough's reminder that the Weimar Republic lasted longer than Hitler's Third Reich—a testament to German democrats who, despite their failures, created something worthy of remembrance. History's losers deserve our attention not just for the lessons of their defeat but for the alternative possibilities they represented.
January 16, 2025
Germany’s first experiment with democracy was messy, but also fascinating. The very violent and unstable birth of the Weimar Republic produced 14 years of economic roller coasters, political violence, social upheaval, and national reckoning alongside a very famous era of artistic and cultural rebirth that produced both Bauhaus and Cabaret, and gave birth to a whole film movement whose influence on cinema still lives with us today.
But it’s not hard to see how a people forcibly pulled overnight into parliamentary democracy amidst so many unanswered questions and unresolved internal conflicts came to eventually resent the endless carousel of Reichstag elections and feeble coalition governments and economic survival being chained to foreign creditors as just not being good enough. Even in its best moments, the Republic was beset with no shortage of destabilizing foreign policy issues and rising domestic shortcomings. You get a sense of the helplessness of finding a way to create stability and faith in government with this system through this book. But it’s fascinating to see what could’ve been, and where the course of history could’ve gone a completely different direction.
McDonough very cleverly follows a chronological path through this story, which allows the carousel of Weimar politics to spin without you getting lost in its many facets and evolutions. While the anecdotes about Bauhaus, Cabaret, and German Expressionism feel a bit out of left field when they pop up, they do help to round out the tale of Germany, not just the one in the halls of the Reichstag and in the many European palaces of many European conferences, but the one experienced by regular people just going about their lives amidst the backdrop of the political cat-herding. It’s fruitless to try and keep pace with all the many minor cabinet members who come and go and whose names don’t reappear but the book doesn’t expect you to, and makes good on getting you in the know when someone appears who you’re gonna need to know about going forward.
Overall a very readable tale of political life in one of the most convoluted and under appreciated eras in German history.
But it’s not hard to see how a people forcibly pulled overnight into parliamentary democracy amidst so many unanswered questions and unresolved internal conflicts came to eventually resent the endless carousel of Reichstag elections and feeble coalition governments and economic survival being chained to foreign creditors as just not being good enough. Even in its best moments, the Republic was beset with no shortage of destabilizing foreign policy issues and rising domestic shortcomings. You get a sense of the helplessness of finding a way to create stability and faith in government with this system through this book. But it’s fascinating to see what could’ve been, and where the course of history could’ve gone a completely different direction.
McDonough very cleverly follows a chronological path through this story, which allows the carousel of Weimar politics to spin without you getting lost in its many facets and evolutions. While the anecdotes about Bauhaus, Cabaret, and German Expressionism feel a bit out of left field when they pop up, they do help to round out the tale of Germany, not just the one in the halls of the Reichstag and in the many European palaces of many European conferences, but the one experienced by regular people just going about their lives amidst the backdrop of the political cat-herding. It’s fruitless to try and keep pace with all the many minor cabinet members who come and go and whose names don’t reappear but the book doesn’t expect you to, and makes good on getting you in the know when someone appears who you’re gonna need to know about going forward.
Overall a very readable tale of political life in one of the most convoluted and under appreciated eras in German history.
April 28, 2025
McDonough put a lot of research and thought into writing this book. While it could be messy and it jumped around a lot, it was a very good read. The main focus of the book was, of course, the political situation in Germany, but there was some information on the culture that had thrived in the Weimar Republic. It was interesting to see how large and developed the movie industry was in Weimar Germany as it appears this is what could be considered one of the heightest points of German cinema even in such a chaotic time. As for the political situation, the German parties were diverse, and it was difficult to keep track of them, and it is appreciated that McDonough had a list of them in the front of the book. The list of politicians was endless, and it near impossible to keep track of them. The focus stayed on what they were doing and not who they were, so who was who was secondary in question and was probably a wise choice by the author. Some great politicians turned out in Weimar Germany. However, they all had short political lives due to the ever changing government makeup or because of political asssainations or detoriating health. One of the biggest things I noticed is for all its flaws and its eventual downfall, the Weimar Republic survived multiple attempted revolts in its early years. It was a miracle that the government survived and functioned for as long as it did. A mostly neutral yer interesting tone can be found throughout the book, which can be difficult when writing about a situation such as this. I found the tone helpful to my reading and understanding of the events happening.
All in all, this was a very well written and organized book. The information was well chosen and presented, and although it could be confusing at times, that was no fault of the author.
All in all, this was a very well written and organized book. The information was well chosen and presented, and although it could be confusing at times, that was no fault of the author.
March 2, 2024
This book is a stunning achievement by one of the most brilliant historians of the Nazi history. Professor Frank McDonough has written a compehensive history of the Weimar period, 1918-1933. True, the emphasis is on the political aspects which eventually caused the demise of the short-lived Weimar Republic, which had a fractured structure all along.
But, in addition, the author has included all the other personalities and events which happened during those interesting years. He writes about developments in music, film, art, theatre and literature as well.
Though at the very beginning of it, the new Republic held out the hope for democracy and stability, following the horrible WW1 and its consequences for Germany, it was beset by endless political and
economic crises and assassinations with violence from both the Left and the Right.
These instabilities led to President Hindenburg to favour a presidential authoritarian right-wing regime that led Germany down a "blind alley", as Professor McDonough writes, and his favourite candidate chosen to lead Germany, Adolf Hitler, was the final step which "put the nail in the coffin of Weimar democracy,opening the path to catastrophe for Germany and the world.Hindenburg whad been the gravedigger and the undertaker".
To add Gustav Stresemann's words, who was the Nobel-winning prize Foreign Minister: "Weimar democracy was 'dancing on a volcano'".
As mentioned before, this book, which was deeply researched and includes a copious number oi photos, is a unique masterpiece which will go unsurpassed for many years to come. In short, it is an extraordinary achievement and a very important lesson in how democracy can fail. This is mandatory reading and should be in the center of everyone's library.
But, in addition, the author has included all the other personalities and events which happened during those interesting years. He writes about developments in music, film, art, theatre and literature as well.
Though at the very beginning of it, the new Republic held out the hope for democracy and stability, following the horrible WW1 and its consequences for Germany, it was beset by endless political and
economic crises and assassinations with violence from both the Left and the Right.
These instabilities led to President Hindenburg to favour a presidential authoritarian right-wing regime that led Germany down a "blind alley", as Professor McDonough writes, and his favourite candidate chosen to lead Germany, Adolf Hitler, was the final step which "put the nail in the coffin of Weimar democracy,opening the path to catastrophe for Germany and the world.Hindenburg whad been the gravedigger and the undertaker".
To add Gustav Stresemann's words, who was the Nobel-winning prize Foreign Minister: "Weimar democracy was 'dancing on a volcano'".
As mentioned before, this book, which was deeply researched and includes a copious number oi photos, is a unique masterpiece which will go unsurpassed for many years to come. In short, it is an extraordinary achievement and a very important lesson in how democracy can fail. This is mandatory reading and should be in the center of everyone's library.
July 16, 2025
I don't write reviews but had to for how disappointing this was...
For a book that is nearly 550 pages long, I expected details and analysis of the factors leading Germany from the results of WWI to the lead up to Hitler's rise to power. What you get instead is an alternation between sections of statistics on election data which will then jump to a random section about some cultural event of a given year (i.e. this movie came out and it was soooo groundbreaking, or these artists are cool) which has nothing to do with the theme of the book, and then back to statistics on election percentages. The most disappointing aspect was the authors clear political ideology and partisan takes that I really abhor from history books. It can be summed up best by the last few chapters in which he details how the Hindenburg government again and again dissolves the Reichstag and can't form a government, and how the were contemplating a military dictatorship as the only way to preserve the government; only to then describe how the NSDAP gained a large majority through legal elections with Hitler being named Chancellor by Hindenburg, and the author then going on to state that Hindenburg's government was the last line of democracy before it all came crashing down. The entire decade and a half after WWI was an unstable mess in German government for a multitude of reasons, none of which are honestly discussed or articulated in this book. I could write a more detailed review but I'm not going to waste my time, don't waste yours on this book, there's plenty of other better books about this time period that will allow you to think for yourself.
For a book that is nearly 550 pages long, I expected details and analysis of the factors leading Germany from the results of WWI to the lead up to Hitler's rise to power. What you get instead is an alternation between sections of statistics on election data which will then jump to a random section about some cultural event of a given year (i.e. this movie came out and it was soooo groundbreaking, or these artists are cool) which has nothing to do with the theme of the book, and then back to statistics on election percentages. The most disappointing aspect was the authors clear political ideology and partisan takes that I really abhor from history books. It can be summed up best by the last few chapters in which he details how the Hindenburg government again and again dissolves the Reichstag and can't form a government, and how the were contemplating a military dictatorship as the only way to preserve the government; only to then describe how the NSDAP gained a large majority through legal elections with Hitler being named Chancellor by Hindenburg, and the author then going on to state that Hindenburg's government was the last line of democracy before it all came crashing down. The entire decade and a half after WWI was an unstable mess in German government for a multitude of reasons, none of which are honestly discussed or articulated in this book. I could write a more detailed review but I'm not going to waste my time, don't waste yours on this book, there's plenty of other better books about this time period that will allow you to think for yourself.
February 1, 2024
This book is a prequel to Frank McDonough's previous two volume works on, 'The Hitler Years.' Book one, 'Triumph,' covered the years 1933-1939, while volume two, 'Disaster,' looked at the war years, 1940-1945. Both were fascinating accounts of Hitler's rise from Chancellor to Dictator. Now the author turns his attention to the rise of fascism and of the hope for democracy after WWI and how that optimism was doomed to failure.
The Weimar Years were often chaotic and the author covers all of the major events, from the Versailles Treaty, leading Germany to feel betrayed and blamed, to economic debts, deficits, hyperinflation, political assassinations and constant political change. It was this upheaval which allowed Hitler to gain support and to rise as a power in this era of confusion, transformation and violence. People, understandably, lost trust in their governments, felt deceived and resentful. Hitler used this sense of resentment to offer his brand of seduction and promises.
McDonough centres this book on politics, but he also highlights how these Weimar years were, in many ways, very open and culturally exciting, especially in Berlin and other cities. Film, music, clubs, sexuality and art blossomed in those inter-war years and these cultural advances are explored. The clash of extreme politics, of artistic movements which flourished before being firmly stamped down, are well outlined. I highly recommend the author's trilogy for anyone interested in this period.
The Weimar Years were often chaotic and the author covers all of the major events, from the Versailles Treaty, leading Germany to feel betrayed and blamed, to economic debts, deficits, hyperinflation, political assassinations and constant political change. It was this upheaval which allowed Hitler to gain support and to rise as a power in this era of confusion, transformation and violence. People, understandably, lost trust in their governments, felt deceived and resentful. Hitler used this sense of resentment to offer his brand of seduction and promises.
McDonough centres this book on politics, but he also highlights how these Weimar years were, in many ways, very open and culturally exciting, especially in Berlin and other cities. Film, music, clubs, sexuality and art blossomed in those inter-war years and these cultural advances are explored. The clash of extreme politics, of artistic movements which flourished before being firmly stamped down, are well outlined. I highly recommend the author's trilogy for anyone interested in this period.
June 24, 2024
Few periods of history were as eventful, or fateful, as Germany from the end of WW1 to the Nazi seizure of power in 1933. Fifteen years which saw the fall of the German Empire, the establishment of parliamentary democracy, brutal street politics, economic turmoil and magnificent cultural and artistic achievements.
Frank McDonough's detailed account challenges many of the easy assumptions about the period: that the Versailles Treaty contained the seeds of WW2, that economic problems and hyperinflation allowed the far right to rise to power, that the Nazis kicked their way to dictatorship through street violence. McDonough carefully reveals the manifold interplay of militarism, myth, money and manipulation that prepared the ground for Hitler's power grab of January 1933. He was not a genius, the rise of the Nazis was not inevitable, the German people did not universally and inexplicably lose their judgement sometime in the 1920's. These events were the aftereffects of the sudden transformation, following national humiliation, of an imperial monarchy into a democracy, which for the first time had to reconcile the demands of parties from the extreme left to the extreme right.
Like the conscientious historian he is, McDonough relates the results of the countless Reichstag elections in minute detail, in seats, vote proportions and swings to two decimal places. With so much political good will and principle evident, it seems even more of a tragedy that we couldn't see then what we know now about how it would all end.
Frank McDonough's detailed account challenges many of the easy assumptions about the period: that the Versailles Treaty contained the seeds of WW2, that economic problems and hyperinflation allowed the far right to rise to power, that the Nazis kicked their way to dictatorship through street violence. McDonough carefully reveals the manifold interplay of militarism, myth, money and manipulation that prepared the ground for Hitler's power grab of January 1933. He was not a genius, the rise of the Nazis was not inevitable, the German people did not universally and inexplicably lose their judgement sometime in the 1920's. These events were the aftereffects of the sudden transformation, following national humiliation, of an imperial monarchy into a democracy, which for the first time had to reconcile the demands of parties from the extreme left to the extreme right.
Like the conscientious historian he is, McDonough relates the results of the countless Reichstag elections in minute detail, in seats, vote proportions and swings to two decimal places. With so much political good will and principle evident, it seems even more of a tragedy that we couldn't see then what we know now about how it would all end.
June 11, 2025
Note: This review is based on the audiobook narrated by Paul McGann.
Note: 4.5/5
An incredibly entertaining and informative history of the Germany's political and social turmoil following their defeat in WW1 to the rise of Hitler's 1000 Year Reich. McDonough's prose very much gives this a pop-history feel and makes it that much less dense, but you don't lost any of his analysis in this presentation.
This isn't to say there isn't bias though and McDonough very much gives a "liberal" take on the Weimar Republic, celebrating its social transformations and the like. This isn't directly related, but I also wished he covered more of the left-wing political factions that were operating at the time, since as he admits, these groups were also opposed to democracy. The threat of the "communists" was a big speaking point for Hitler, but this book didn't really do much to cover how extensive their activities were.
Some people might be disappointed because this book is principally about the political dynamics of the time and how these divisions pervaded throughout German society. McDonough does take the time to mention the popular German cinema of the time, along with the social and economic dynamics, but this takes up at most 20% to 30% of the book. Due to its overall length, there's still a decent amount written about these topics, but you're probably better off reading books dedicated to those topics if you wanted more on them.
Note: 4.5/5
An incredibly entertaining and informative history of the Germany's political and social turmoil following their defeat in WW1 to the rise of Hitler's 1000 Year Reich. McDonough's prose very much gives this a pop-history feel and makes it that much less dense, but you don't lost any of his analysis in this presentation.
This isn't to say there isn't bias though and McDonough very much gives a "liberal" take on the Weimar Republic, celebrating its social transformations and the like. This isn't directly related, but I also wished he covered more of the left-wing political factions that were operating at the time, since as he admits, these groups were also opposed to democracy. The threat of the "communists" was a big speaking point for Hitler, but this book didn't really do much to cover how extensive their activities were.
Some people might be disappointed because this book is principally about the political dynamics of the time and how these divisions pervaded throughout German society. McDonough does take the time to mention the popular German cinema of the time, along with the social and economic dynamics, but this takes up at most 20% to 30% of the book. Due to its overall length, there's still a decent amount written about these topics, but you're probably better off reading books dedicated to those topics if you wanted more on them.
March 21, 2025
It is impossible to overestimate the importance of the Weimar Years. The period between Germany's defeat in WW1 and Hitler taking power and the beginning of the Third Reich. As Germany tried to implement a new democracy they faced opposition from all sides. Internally many believed that Germany did not need to surrender and had been defeated by the 'November criminals' not the allies. Then there was the vengeance of the Allies and especially the French who were determined to prevent even a hint of an emergence of a strong German state. There was also the economic climate, the need for rebuilding alongside economic uncertainty, all exacerbated by the need to pay reparations.
Frank McDonough does a good job of telling how the government survived and their achievements against the odds.
Until the Wall Street Crash there was even a chance of it succeeding but by this time there was a significant right wing dominance of government into which stepped Adolf Hitler.
In the last part of the book McDonough tells how the cards came crashing down and it leads to his two books on the Nazis.
He keeps the pace flowing although there are some long lists of cabinet members and results which while historically important do affect the flow. Overall it is a good summary of an important period in history.
Frank McDonough does a good job of telling how the government survived and their achievements against the odds.
Until the Wall Street Crash there was even a chance of it succeeding but by this time there was a significant right wing dominance of government into which stepped Adolf Hitler.
In the last part of the book McDonough tells how the cards came crashing down and it leads to his two books on the Nazis.
He keeps the pace flowing although there are some long lists of cabinet members and results which while historically important do affect the flow. Overall it is a good summary of an important period in history.
October 22, 2024
This is a prequel to McDonough's earlier books on the Hitler Years, which I haven't read. Overall I found the book interesting and a useful survey of the political developments in Weimar Germany.
A few things stand out in McDonough's approach. First of all there is the peculiar chronological approach in which every chapter deals with one calender year. On the whole I am in favour of a chronological narrative, but this very rigid approach results in a sometimes awkward narrative in which events have to be "interrupted" by the new year. Also it sometimes results in needless repetitions (one somtimes wonders if publishers still have any copy editors at all).
The second thing that stands out is McDonough's attempt to leaven his essentially political narrative with little vignettes on cultural events. While there is much to be said for the importance of certain cultural developments during the Weimar era, the way the author inserts them feels artificial. Moreover, it raises the question why he feels the need to inject the odd cultural event but totally ignores material and technological developments.
All in all a good book, but hardly excdeptional and a bit artificial in its approach.
A few things stand out in McDonough's approach. First of all there is the peculiar chronological approach in which every chapter deals with one calender year. On the whole I am in favour of a chronological narrative, but this very rigid approach results in a sometimes awkward narrative in which events have to be "interrupted" by the new year. Also it sometimes results in needless repetitions (one somtimes wonders if publishers still have any copy editors at all).
The second thing that stands out is McDonough's attempt to leaven his essentially political narrative with little vignettes on cultural events. While there is much to be said for the importance of certain cultural developments during the Weimar era, the way the author inserts them feels artificial. Moreover, it raises the question why he feels the need to inject the odd cultural event but totally ignores material and technological developments.
All in all a good book, but hardly excdeptional and a bit artificial in its approach.
January 2, 2025
This is a focused and detailed political history of Germany from 1918 to 1933 (and although I had difficulty following the names of all the individuals, I could follow the overall flow). I sadly found many parallels in the recent politics of contemporary UK and, to a depressingly greater extent, the US.
I hadn’t previously read about Hitler’s formative years and found the succinct description and analysis in chapter 2 fascinating and enlightening.
I also now much better understand the destabilising effect of Weimar democracy based upon proportional representation of political parties for fragmented interest groups, and the ongoing reputational damage of the democratic parties having accepted the Versailles treaty in 1919.
However I am still unclear as to why Hitler managed to capitalise so spectacularly on this dissatisfaction, and win a democratic mandate to become the leading candidate for Chancellor.
There are occasional paragraphs about cultural developments and achievements, but these feel very much inserted into the political history, providing little context.
• The Bauhaus Exhibition (1923)
• The New Objectivity movement (1925)
• The Threepenny Opera (1928)
• All Quiet on the Western Front (1929)
• The Blue Angel (1930)
I hadn’t previously read about Hitler’s formative years and found the succinct description and analysis in chapter 2 fascinating and enlightening.
I also now much better understand the destabilising effect of Weimar democracy based upon proportional representation of political parties for fragmented interest groups, and the ongoing reputational damage of the democratic parties having accepted the Versailles treaty in 1919.
However I am still unclear as to why Hitler managed to capitalise so spectacularly on this dissatisfaction, and win a democratic mandate to become the leading candidate for Chancellor.
There are occasional paragraphs about cultural developments and achievements, but these feel very much inserted into the political history, providing little context.
• The Bauhaus Exhibition (1923)
• The New Objectivity movement (1925)
• The Threepenny Opera (1928)
• All Quiet on the Western Front (1929)
• The Blue Angel (1930)
January 16, 2025
This book gives a detailed account of the Weimar years with each chapter a different year. It treats all aspects of the period including both the political and the things going on in arts and literature. The emphasis, however, is on the political. A common explanation why this failed is the way the constitution was drawn up was way too many political parties which thwarts attempts to form stable governments. Also, many of these parties on both the left and right wanted to replace the republic with a more authoritarian government which ultimatelty led to Hitler. The book is lavishly illustrated. I have two minor quips with the book. 1. I would have liked to see more on the arts and arcitechture in this period. 2. With the unstable government, there were so many cabinets during the period. McDonough faithfully listed its members, but they were just names without any context. I think that was not necessary.
I completed this book on the eve of Trump's inauguration. I kept looking for parallels between then and now. Hopefully the parallels I found don't have the same outcome
I completed this book on the eve of Trump's inauguration. I kept looking for parallels between then and now. Hopefully the parallels I found don't have the same outcome
January 17, 2025
An incredibly prescient book for such a unknowable time in US history. The Weimar Years were an experiment in representative democracy during one of the most turbulent global shifts in political ideology. Democracy held its ground for 14 years, being pushed right and left on the political spectrum, but global pressures were ultimately too great and the German people democratically elected Adolf Hitler’s national socialist party to power. The Weimar Republic’s timeline is eerily similar to the USA’s today. Economic instability, a cost of living crisis and bigotry (woke-ism) are to blame for enough German’s to willingly elect a wannabe authoritarian because they felt that the experiment of democracy had failed them.
History doesn’t repeat itself, but it sure as hell rhymes. And you can only know that by reading this book. Frank McDonough, thank you for such a timely book at such a trying time.
History doesn’t repeat itself, but it sure as hell rhymes. And you can only know that by reading this book. Frank McDonough, thank you for such a timely book at such a trying time.
April 28, 2025
A very well researched book highlighting how a democracy can die and become authoritarian. This book is a wake up call to how easily a democratic form of government can fall and yes, while there are many differences to American politics today, there are also many similarities tactics-wise and message-wise being utilized by the Republican Party under Trump which are all being supported by anti-democratic supporters.
The one frustrating aspect of this book is that in certain spots the info is correct but it will be typed up wrong (an example being how 1 reichsmark was as valuable as 6000 American dollars. This makes no sense until you flip it and it makes complete sense). If something doesn't seem to be accurate, it's because the author accidentally flip flopped info and the editor didn't catch it.
The one frustrating aspect of this book is that in certain spots the info is correct but it will be typed up wrong (an example being how 1 reichsmark was as valuable as 6000 American dollars. This makes no sense until you flip it and it makes complete sense). If something doesn't seem to be accurate, it's because the author accidentally flip flopped info and the editor didn't catch it.
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