A thorough and accessible history of the rise and current problems of the Social Democrats in Sweden. Ostberg traces the party's rise through the industrial working-class, its ascension into power, its construction of an enviable welfare state, its adaptation to a corporatist, growth-focused market economy (indeed, the party's belief that capitalist efficiency was essential to its goal of redistribution and shared prosperity), and its neoliberal turn.
Swede was viewed back in the 1970s as the "world's conscience" and the go-to example of a robust welfare state. Ostberg explains the political struggles behind both of those, and the labor actions that spurred parliamentarians to action. It is also fascinating to read about how Social Democrats had to navigate the messy world of parliamentary politics and coalition-building, as well as the ways in which issues divided them and their base (including nuclear power) and how they navigated internal divisions (over the role of women in the party, over the new issues raised by youth movements, environmentalists, etc.)
Unfortunately, the Social Democrats in Sweden have suffered from similar problems as the center-left in other Western countries. They embraced monetarist and neoliberal policies in response to the economic crises of the late 1970s/80s/90s and abandoned what remained of their more expansive vision for how the economy and society could be different. The industrial working class -- or even a broader definition of the working class -- is not as large as it used to be; the party is thus less rooted in a working-class politics for a simple numbers reason, but the weakening of the power of unions also means less ability to put mass pressure on the party. Similarly, the party has become professionalized, becoming more of a catch-all party than one rooted in a left, even a reformist left, vision.
One key point that Ostberg makes in his conclusion is that one of the critical failures of the Swedish Social Democrats was that they were never able to democratize the structures of the economy itself. You can address the externalities of capitalism through government and you can redistribute the gains capitalism produces, but you will always be constrained if a small group of corporate titans remain in control of capital and production. The SDP's big push to change that failed, and even smaller efforts to democratize the economy through worker ownership or co-determination have never gotten far.
There are bits and pieces of this that I was familiar with, but it was just very helpful to have the history laid out clearly as Ostberg does.