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Muslim Extremism in Egypt: The Prophet and Pharaoh, With a New Preface for 2003
Gilles Kepel takes us into the world of the students, professionals, workers, and unemployed who are caught up in the Islamic movements of Egypt. Events that have riveted world attention―the first World Trade Center bombing, assassinations in Beirut, the attempt on the life of the Pope, the assassination of Sadat, and, in a new preface, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001―are illuminated by this penetrating study.
290 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1984
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276 people want to read
About the author
Gilles Kepel
79 books96 followersA French scholar and analyst of the Islamic and the Arab world. He has written works on Radical Islam including Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam. He was the Philippe Roman Chair in History and International Affairs for 2009-10 at LSE IDEAS (Centre for Diplomacy & Strategy, at the London School of Economics and Political Science.
Professor Kepel has previously been a visiting professor at Columbia University in New York. He speaks Arabic, French, English and Italian.
Kepel's work has stirred intense debates in the French academia. His analyses of political Islam have notably been criticized by Olivier Roy, François Burgat and Alain Roussillon. These 3 authors however are also quite controversial, with secularists like Caroline Fourest or Mohamed Sifaoui being particularly critical of Roy and Burgat's sympathy towards islamists.
Professor Kepel has previously been a visiting professor at Columbia University in New York. He speaks Arabic, French, English and Italian.
Kepel's work has stirred intense debates in the French academia. His analyses of political Islam have notably been criticized by Olivier Roy, François Burgat and Alain Roussillon. These 3 authors however are also quite controversial, with secularists like Caroline Fourest or Mohamed Sifaoui being particularly critical of Roy and Burgat's sympathy towards islamists.
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March 20, 2012
كتاب "الفرعون والنبي: التطرف الديني في مصر" للكاتب "جيلز كيبل"
قراءة نقدية
التقييم 4 من 5
ــــــ قراءة: فواز البنفلاح ــــــ
يقدم الكاتب الفرنسي "جيلز كيبل" في كتابة "الفرعون والنبي: التطرف الديني في مصر" دراسة مطولة عن تاريخ الجماعات الإسلامية في مصر منذ ثورة 1952م إلى مقتل الرئيس الراحل السادات، ويستعرض كذلك أهم الشخصيات التي ساهمت في تكوين فكر الجماعات الإسلامية من حسن البنا إلى سيد قطب، ومن شكري مصطفى إلى عبدالسلام فرج وخالد الإسلامبولي.
ما يميز الكاتب هو قدرته على قراءة التطور الفكري للجماعات الإسلامية في ضوء التغيرات الإجتماعية التي شهدها المجتمع المصري آنذاك، وابتعاده عن إطلاق الأحكام على أفكار منظري الجماعات الإسلامية جزافاً. ونظراً لمحاولة الكاتب الإحاطة بجميع المحطات الهامة في تاريخ الجماعات الإسلامية، من دون التركيز على جانب معين من هذا التاريخ، فإن الكتاب يصلح أن يكون انطلاقة أولية لمن يرغب التعمق والبحث في تاريخ تطور الحركات الإسلامية في مصر، خاصة وأن فهم أفكار سيد قطب مثلاً أو حسن البنا أو غيرهم من قادة الحركات الإسلامية يستوجب معرفة الظروف التي أحاطت نشأتهم والمراحل المكونة لفكرهم السياسي والإسلامي، وهذا الأمر يتطلب قراءة دقيقة للعصر الذي عاش فيه هؤلاء بما في ذلك ظروف اعتقالهم والأحداث التي شهدتها مصر والعالم آنذاك.
إن قراءة تاريخ الجماعات الإسلامية ودراسة أفكار منظريها تشكل تحدياً للباحث إذ أنها تؤدي لطرح العديد من الأسئلة والقليل من الأجوبة الشافية، خاصة أن كل طرف من هؤلاء كان يرى الحق إلى جانبه وفقاً لفهمه للنص القرآني. ومع أن إمكانية معرفة المصيب والمخطيء يعتبر مأزقاً حقيقياً، إلا أن "كيبل" يذكرنا بحقيقة قد تغيب عن أذهان الكثيرين منا، وهي: بالرغم من اختلاف أفكار منظري الجماعات الإسلامية "لكن جوهر طريقة كل منهم ظل الطموح لتحقيق العدالة بالشكل الذي رآه كل منهم، العدالة التي لم يطبقها الحكم لكن يكفلها كتاب الله" (ص 304).
ـــــــ تمت ـــــــ
قراءة نقدية
التقييم 4 من 5
ــــــ قراءة: فواز البنفلاح ــــــ
يقدم الكاتب الفرنسي "جيلز كيبل" في كتابة "الفرعون والنبي: التطرف الديني في مصر" دراسة مطولة عن تاريخ الجماعات الإسلامية في مصر منذ ثورة 1952م إلى مقتل الرئيس الراحل السادات، ويستعرض كذلك أهم الشخصيات التي ساهمت في تكوين فكر الجماعات الإسلامية من حسن البنا إلى سيد قطب، ومن شكري مصطفى إلى عبدالسلام فرج وخالد الإسلامبولي.
ما يميز الكاتب هو قدرته على قراءة التطور الفكري للجماعات الإسلامية في ضوء التغيرات الإجتماعية التي شهدها المجتمع المصري آنذاك، وابتعاده عن إطلاق الأحكام على أفكار منظري الجماعات الإسلامية جزافاً. ونظراً لمحاولة الكاتب الإحاطة بجميع المحطات الهامة في تاريخ الجماعات الإسلامية، من دون التركيز على جانب معين من هذا التاريخ، فإن الكتاب يصلح أن يكون انطلاقة أولية لمن يرغب التعمق والبحث في تاريخ تطور الحركات الإسلامية في مصر، خاصة وأن فهم أفكار سيد قطب مثلاً أو حسن البنا أو غيرهم من قادة الحركات الإسلامية يستوجب معرفة الظروف التي أحاطت نشأتهم والمراحل المكونة لفكرهم السياسي والإسلامي، وهذا الأمر يتطلب قراءة دقيقة للعصر الذي عاش فيه هؤلاء بما في ذلك ظروف اعتقالهم والأحداث التي شهدتها مصر والعالم آنذاك.
إن قراءة تاريخ الجماعات الإسلامية ودراسة أفكار منظريها تشكل تحدياً للباحث إذ أنها تؤدي لطرح العديد من الأسئلة والقليل من الأجوبة الشافية، خاصة أن كل طرف من هؤلاء كان يرى الحق إلى جانبه وفقاً لفهمه للنص القرآني. ومع أن إمكانية معرفة المصيب والمخطيء يعتبر مأزقاً حقيقياً، إلا أن "كيبل" يذكرنا بحقيقة قد تغيب عن أذهان الكثيرين منا، وهي: بالرغم من اختلاف أفكار منظري الجماعات الإسلامية "لكن جوهر طريقة كل منهم ظل الطموح لتحقيق العدالة بالشكل الذي رآه كل منهم، العدالة التي لم يطبقها الحكم لكن يكفلها كتاب الله" (ص 304).
ـــــــ تمت ـــــــ
March 3, 2015
In Muslim Extremism in Egypt, Gilles Kepel’s objective is simple enough: to unpack the history of Islamic fundamentalism (or “Islamicism”) in Egypt and understand its roots and the directions that it took. Although his narrative is not strictly chronological, he focuses primarily on the post-1952 Revolution period and seeks to tell a story rather than advance a broad or overarching thesis. Nonetheless, he makes it clear that the Muslim Brotherhood’s popularity and efficacy is tied strongly to its relationship with the regime, as well as with similar movements. In an attempt to nuance histories of the movement, the author argues for a middle path between judgment and forgiveness and suggests that each fragment is a product of particular interpretations of post-Revolution Brotherhood literature, as well as its necessary negotiation with socio-political circumstances.
Kepel’s narrative begins in 1954, when the relationship between the Free Officers and the Muslim Brotherhood disintegrated for good following an assassination attempt against Nasser in October 1954. For many among the brethren, this led to internment in Nasser’s prison camps and numerous atrocities, which inspired Sayyid Qutb to write about how the society’s barbarism indicated that the state has forgotten Islam. The author focuses on a description of Qutb’s work Signposts and argues that when Brotherhood founder Hasan al-Banna died, this text was one of many that attempted to fill the ideological vacuum that remained. Signposts itself became highly significant, but was interpreted in many ways and considered by some members to be heretical and deviant based on its belief that action, rather than preaching, was the key to conversion. Nonetheless, its ideas became the most significant factor in influencing the directions that the movement would take.
Shukri Mustafa, who led the Society of Muslims, interpreted Qutb’s concepts of “separation” and “withdrawal” from society as literal imperative (as opposed to spiritual detachment) and led his followers to reject the state and “retreat” from it by living in caves until they were strong enough to resist and overthrow it. Although the government ignored their movement at first, internal divisions led to increased violence and culture of martyrdom that ended with Mustafa’s trial and execution. The significance of this incident was that people began to believe that the government was partially to blame for the situation, as it seemed as if it were not doing a good job of representing the nation’s religious culture and inspiring youth. On the other hand, the founders of and contributors to the al-Dawa magazine, the most regular Islamicist publication, took the opposite path and interpreted Qutb’s work in a restrictive way that aligned it more closely with al-Banna’s original vision. The publication focused on four major enemies, Jewry, “crusade” (with imperialism considered a subset of this problem), communism, and secularism, all of which were external and drew attention away from the problems of the state. Rather than aiming to overthrow the government, like Mustafa, al-Dawa sought to work with and reform it.
Kepel’s fifth chapter examines the Jama’at islamiyya as an important organization and student movement that sought to resurrect the Muslim community through the caliphate. Formed in an era when the universities were producing legions of unemployable graduates that were dissatisfied with the government, the members of Jama’at islamiyya successfully negotiated their relationship with both the state and popular opinion for many years, modifying their ideology as pragmatism dictated. As their organization grew, they became more hostile towards the government and eventually experienced repression, which led them to gain a following outside of the university as people became sympathetic to their martyrdom and felt as if they could relate to the group’s criticisms of the state. They maintained a significant popular following until 1981, when the government managed to distance them from the majority of Muslims by blaming them for fanning the flames in the interconfessional atrocities that took place in June of that year. Chapter six is less complex and examines the influence of Sheikh Kishk through a reproduction and analysis of his sermons.
Kepel’s penultimate chapter engages the assassination of Anwar Sadat and examines how the fragmented nature of the Islamicist movement meant that such an act was unable to catalyze a Muslim uprising and takeover of the state, despite the President’s unpopularity. With so many differing interpretations and beliefs, the public lacked a strong Muslim organization or movement onto which it could latch. The author’s conclusion, meanwhile, highlights his theme of complicating and nuancing the Muslim fundamentalist movement and urges the reader to take its multifarious nature into account in any analysis. Kepel’s narrative can be dry at times and his lack of a strong central theme, and thus of signposting and recapitulation, hinders both the reader’s understanding and retention. While Muslim Extremism in Egypt is certainly possessed of merit in having presented a more complex vision of the Muslim Brotherhood and related movements, as well as providing a commendable level of detail and analysis, its narrative does not go out of its way to engage the reader and its value can only be extracted through careful examination. As such, a casual reader will likely find this a difficult work to get through, making this work more suitable for the discerning academic.
Kepel’s narrative begins in 1954, when the relationship between the Free Officers and the Muslim Brotherhood disintegrated for good following an assassination attempt against Nasser in October 1954. For many among the brethren, this led to internment in Nasser’s prison camps and numerous atrocities, which inspired Sayyid Qutb to write about how the society’s barbarism indicated that the state has forgotten Islam. The author focuses on a description of Qutb’s work Signposts and argues that when Brotherhood founder Hasan al-Banna died, this text was one of many that attempted to fill the ideological vacuum that remained. Signposts itself became highly significant, but was interpreted in many ways and considered by some members to be heretical and deviant based on its belief that action, rather than preaching, was the key to conversion. Nonetheless, its ideas became the most significant factor in influencing the directions that the movement would take.
Shukri Mustafa, who led the Society of Muslims, interpreted Qutb’s concepts of “separation” and “withdrawal” from society as literal imperative (as opposed to spiritual detachment) and led his followers to reject the state and “retreat” from it by living in caves until they were strong enough to resist and overthrow it. Although the government ignored their movement at first, internal divisions led to increased violence and culture of martyrdom that ended with Mustafa’s trial and execution. The significance of this incident was that people began to believe that the government was partially to blame for the situation, as it seemed as if it were not doing a good job of representing the nation’s religious culture and inspiring youth. On the other hand, the founders of and contributors to the al-Dawa magazine, the most regular Islamicist publication, took the opposite path and interpreted Qutb’s work in a restrictive way that aligned it more closely with al-Banna’s original vision. The publication focused on four major enemies, Jewry, “crusade” (with imperialism considered a subset of this problem), communism, and secularism, all of which were external and drew attention away from the problems of the state. Rather than aiming to overthrow the government, like Mustafa, al-Dawa sought to work with and reform it.
Kepel’s fifth chapter examines the Jama’at islamiyya as an important organization and student movement that sought to resurrect the Muslim community through the caliphate. Formed in an era when the universities were producing legions of unemployable graduates that were dissatisfied with the government, the members of Jama’at islamiyya successfully negotiated their relationship with both the state and popular opinion for many years, modifying their ideology as pragmatism dictated. As their organization grew, they became more hostile towards the government and eventually experienced repression, which led them to gain a following outside of the university as people became sympathetic to their martyrdom and felt as if they could relate to the group’s criticisms of the state. They maintained a significant popular following until 1981, when the government managed to distance them from the majority of Muslims by blaming them for fanning the flames in the interconfessional atrocities that took place in June of that year. Chapter six is less complex and examines the influence of Sheikh Kishk through a reproduction and analysis of his sermons.
Kepel’s penultimate chapter engages the assassination of Anwar Sadat and examines how the fragmented nature of the Islamicist movement meant that such an act was unable to catalyze a Muslim uprising and takeover of the state, despite the President’s unpopularity. With so many differing interpretations and beliefs, the public lacked a strong Muslim organization or movement onto which it could latch. The author’s conclusion, meanwhile, highlights his theme of complicating and nuancing the Muslim fundamentalist movement and urges the reader to take its multifarious nature into account in any analysis. Kepel’s narrative can be dry at times and his lack of a strong central theme, and thus of signposting and recapitulation, hinders both the reader’s understanding and retention. While Muslim Extremism in Egypt is certainly possessed of merit in having presented a more complex vision of the Muslim Brotherhood and related movements, as well as providing a commendable level of detail and analysis, its narrative does not go out of its way to engage the reader and its value can only be extracted through careful examination. As such, a casual reader will likely find this a difficult work to get through, making this work more suitable for the discerning academic.
May 11, 2021
رغم كثرة الكتابات عن تاريخ الجماعات الإسلامية في القرن العشرين وتوحشها وبلوغها الذروة في عهد السادات، إلا أن كتاب الفرنسي جيلز كيبيل وصل لمرحلة من التحليل السوسيولجي لتلك الجماعات و تحركاتها وتطوراتها و الديالكتيك الحاصل بينها من جهة والمجتمع وتطوره من جهة أخرى، أقول وصل لمرحلة غير مسبوقة من الدقة والموضوعية، بالإضافة إلى الإغراق في تفاصيل بعضها جديد تمامًا بالنسبة لي ويُحسب للمؤلف عدم تملق القاريء بالسعي لتسليته فقط، بل عمل مثل كل باحث شريف في ولاءه للحقيقة من منظوره، وسردها بدون الإنتباه لأي إعتبارات أخرى، وجدت في خاتمة الكتاب بعض النقاط المتخصصة جدًا والتي لم أستوعبها بشكل كامل، وأعجبني تسليط الكاتب للضوء على وجود نقاط شيوعية في حركات الإسلاميين وتنظيماتهم، وفي الختام ينبغي توجيه الشكر للمترجم أحمد خضر والذي صاغ الكتاب وكأنه مكتوب بالعربية في الأصل.
April 27, 2019
Muslim Extremism in Egypt is a good primer on events among muslim extremists in Egypt leading up to the assassination of Egyptian President Sadat in 1981. The book focuses on key people in the muslim movement in Egypt after ww2. It is focused and built up logically. The contents is quite dry but just interesting enough for anyone following muslim extremism one way or another. Reading time is about 10 hours and although not a great page turner as such reading the book is no problem for non-academics.
Since writing this book in the mid 1980s the author has grown into one of the leading experts in the western world on muslim extremism. This book, which also was his PhD thesis, was a good start to an excellent career.
Since writing this book in the mid 1980s the author has grown into one of the leading experts in the western world on muslim extremism. This book, which also was his PhD thesis, was a good start to an excellent career.
September 25, 2013
این کتاب در مورد جنبش های اسلامی مصر به رشته تحریر در آمده است.اهمیت کتاب در آنجاست که نویسنده نقطه آغاز بررسی خود را ظهور جریان های رادیکال در اخوان المسلمین مصر قرار داده است.
ژیل کوپل محقق فرانسوی برای نوشتن این کتاب 3 سال در مصر به تحقیق پرداخته و با بسیاری از رهبران و هواداران اسلامی بویژه گروه های رادیکال آن به گفتگو نشسته است.
او در 8 فصل کتاب خود اندیشه های سید قطب و تاثیر او بر حرکت اسلامی نوین مصر را مورد تحلیل و بررسی قرار داده و آنگاه به تحلیل اندیشه ها، اصول و مسیر تاریخی گروه های رادیکال مصر می پردازد.
علاوه بر این نویسنده تاثیر حرکت سنتی وعاظ مصر و نیز جنبش دانشجویان اسلامی در دانشگاه های مصر را مورد تجزیه و تحلیل قرار می دهد.
ژیل کوپل محقق فرانسوی برای نوشتن این کتاب 3 سال در مصر به تحقیق پرداخته و با بسیاری از رهبران و هواداران اسلامی بویژه گروه های رادیکال آن به گفتگو نشسته است.
او در 8 فصل کتاب خود اندیشه های سید قطب و تاثیر او بر حرکت اسلامی نوین مصر را مورد تحلیل و بررسی قرار داده و آنگاه به تحلیل اندیشه ها، اصول و مسیر تاریخی گروه های رادیکال مصر می پردازد.
علاوه بر این نویسنده تاثیر حرکت سنتی وعاظ مصر و نیز جنبش دانشجویان اسلامی در دانشگاه های مصر را مورد تجزیه و تحلیل قرار می دهد.
August 28, 2015
كتاب هام للمهتمين بالفكر الإسلامي المعاصر وعلاقته بالسياسة
November 5, 2017
amazing book for explaining the rise of Islamist ideas as well as in depth look at Egypt modern history which has shaped it and continues to impact in the Middle East today.
highly recommend
highly recommend
June 6, 2021
هذا الكتاب مع مذكرات عبد المنعم ابو الفتوح وكتاب سيد قطب والأصولية الإسلامية لشريف يونس مهمين جدا جدا لفهم كيف نشأت الصحوة الإسلامية في مصر أيام السادات
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