A book that presents some interesting information. However, I felt it would have GREATLY benefitted from a, say, 10 page summary of chronological bullet points with every piece of the theory stated succinctly with (H) for historical or (S) for speculation prefixing each. I found it difficult in many spots to parse through which details had provenance in the historical record, and which stemmed from extrapolation.
I thought that something to this effect was going to happen in ch 20, but then it’s interrupted by an excursus on a theorized origin of Ammon which neglects to mention the fact that the name Ammon appears over 100 times in the Old Testament.
The inclusion of Montmaur seemed far more ornamental than instrumental. It also lacked any mention of the French practice of verlan, where the first and final syllables of a word are swapped as a cutesy way to refer to the same concept. Merci becomes cimer. Francais becomes céfran. L’envers (the inverse) itself becomes verlan. Femme (woman) becomes meuf (girlfriend). Meuf has become so commonplace that it got verlanned again to feumeu. Béroul in the late 1100s changes the name Tristan to Tantris. Furetiére in 1690 says, “On dit, c’est verjus ou jus ver pour dire c’est la même chose.” This form of circumlocution is baked into the French mind. The author leans, in my opinion, too heavily into portraying the Montmaur to Mormon swap as a one word chiasm rather than situating it more contextually as a French verlan.
It is stated that references to Montmaur or his verlan Mormon, became a shortcut among linguists to refer to falsified sources. I would have like to see more concrete examples of this claim. It’s claimed that Nephi came to be used among linguists in a similar fashion, which I would have also liked to see greater direct substantiation for.
One of the thinnest parallels presented is that 7-8 pages of Monmauri Opera contain Montmaur’s actual words, and this might be where the idea for the Words of Momon came from. The small plates (Nephi - Omni) make some 17 mentions of the fact that they are the small plates, not the large plates. I believe there are two sections where it breaks off for multiple paragraphs on the topic, rather than just offhand mentions, despite avering that there is scant room on the plates. The Words of Mormon are a panic response, not a cleverly inserted reference to a centuries-old document about a French priest (nor, indeed, a clairvoyant inclusion over a millennium prior).
I quite liked the initial chapter describing Athanasius Kircher, and I think that there is definite merit to the theory that Kircher’s magnetic brass balls and reformed Egyptian speaking Nephi could have been capitalized on by later writers of Book of Mormon material. The author dismisses the reference to Nephi in the Apocrypha as a mere place name, but it is in fact an oil that we today call Greek Fire, not a place name. And regardless, Ether is a mere place name mentioned twice in the book of Joshua. I think we should also give some consideration to the brass hand warming balls of the time as Liahona inspiration, though I agree that Kircher’s oddities are a better fit in form, though not time.
In chapter 13, the author refers to Limhi as a Lamanite king. He is in fact a Nephite. He also has the Jaredites dying in the 6th century BCE, but when Limhi sends out his men around 130 BCE, they find remnants that are likely not more than 100 years old.
I couldn’t get on board with the idea that the Urim and Thummim were inspired by Professor Smith’s spectacles. There is at least one source that claims that it was Samuel Lawrence, whom Joseph took to the hill, who saw them in his seer stone. Also, it seems that amongst the Mormons, Urim and Thummim terminology wasn’t used until post-BoM, and I believe it was used in conjunction with Teraphim (household god idols from the OT).
It was also difficult for me to agree with the proposition that Professor Smith had composed the original corpus that was later transmuted via Spalding to Rigdon to Joseph Smith. Ethan Smith wrote View of the Hebrews, but I don’t see any similar claim that this is an adaption of a manuscript originally penned by Professor Smith. It seems to me more likely that Ethan Smith and Spalding were both influenced by Professor Smith and wrote their respective manuscripts.
I do agree that there are a lot of striking parallels between the Spalding manuscript and the BoM, and that in some cases it becomes difficult to stretch the imagination to envision a scenario that doesn’t involve cross-contamination. I also agree that if that be the case, a route through Rigdon seems to be among the most plausible. One of the parallels mentioned is that the BoM has Laban and Spalding has Labanko, both of whom get their head cut off by their own sword. The book also compared some extended wordings that were almost exact between the texts. Unless it can be shown that these phrases were common in the wider vernacular, this is a strong indicator of collusion.
I'm not sure what material is available here, but I would be extremely interested in a comparison of Rigdon's pre-December 1830 writings and the BoM and D&C. Anything that was generated prior to the official date of Rigdon's exposure to the BoM.
Both the Fabius story and the Nephi story are reminiscent of the beginning of Robinson Crusoe. "I was born in the year 1632, in the city of York, of a good family.” "My father, who was very ancient, had given me a competent share of learning.” One of the only things Robinson gets out of his ship is a Bible. Other books to compare with are Gulliver’s Travels and Caleb Williams.
The author is obviously very familiar with Mormon terminology, and he employs this knowledge in an unending blanket of allusion. Occasionally, however, he does conjure up malapropisms. Like when he calls Martin Harris switching Joseph’s seer stone an Abrahamic test. By definition, an Abrahamic test is one that requires the testee to show willingness to make ultimate sacrifices. All Joseph had to do was recognize that the stone had been switched, no sacrifice needed.
In a footnote, the author states that “et factum est" means “and the fact is” in Latin. However, this is also a passive voice construction of faciō and translates to “and it (neuter) was done”. It depends on the context. Seeing as the author doesn't reproduce any of Kircher's statements with this clause, we don't know the specific translation.
As I said at the start, I would love to see the ten page version of this thesis with points clearly delineated with historical vs speculation. It has some fascinating things to consider. I think this full volume, however, was too indulgent at times, mingled fact and fiction too freely, and could have easily been a hundred or more pages shorter. I do commend the author for writing it and helping to move the BoM provenance conversation forward, and hope to hear more from him in the future.