This was excellent and by far the best of the now three general overviews of seventeenth century England I have read. Of the previous two, Barry Coward's 'The Stuart Age' is a very good student primer that provides a neat and detailed introduction to key themes and historiographical debates. However, it is necessarily lacking in any overall vision of the period and can feel at times piecemeal and disconnected. The other book, Mark Kishlanksky's 'A Monarchy Transformed' is part of the Penguin History of England series and was rather disappointing, especially as the previous volume in the series I'd read (David Cannadine's 'Victorious Century') was outstanding. I felt like it failed to capture the dynamism of Stuart England through its narrow focus on the high politics of the court, with little said about broader socioeconomic developments.
Kishlansky's work was the culmination of late twentieth century revisionist approaches to the period that turned away from the moyenne and longue durées and towards the short term 'world of events'. Historians like Kishlansky and Conrad Russell contended that all major events and developments could be explained by contingency, personality, and circumstance rather than any structural or more deeply embedded causes. In doing so they limited themselves not just chronologically but sociologically and thematically, not looking much beyond the bounds of Westminster and narrative history. Russell's contention that 'the man Charles I' was the prime place to look to explain the English Civil War was exemplary of this approach. Any notion of a society dealing with major tensions around religion, political and constitutional ideology, or the strains of economic change was neatly discarded.
These views were developed in response to the sweeping grand narratives of the period espoused by Whig and Marxist historians of an earlier age. The former saw the seventeenth century as the crucial turning point in the inevitable (and for early Whigs providential) rise of liberal parliamentary democracy in England. The latter found in the period the shift from feudalism to capitalism, with 1688 representing the bourgeois triumph over the old aristocratic order. In fairness, revisionism effectively dethroned these two teleologies and much useful empiric research was put into doing so. However, what was left to replace the old hegemonies in terms of causal explanation was vapid, uninspiring and most importantly unconvincing.
Since then historians have built on the empirical work of the revisionists and headed their call to widen our understanding of the period beyond the headline events of civil war and glorious revolution. This has involved much pioneering cross-disciplinary work in fields too numerous to name. The likes of Steve Pincus and Peter Lake have backdated the Habermassian public sphere to the Elizabethan age through demonstrating how manuscript circulation and a burgeoning print culture created an increasingly popular stage for political discussion. This has been complemented by work on the crowd by Tim Harris and others, who have decimated the notion of a riotous and illiterate mob and replaced it with one of crowds of the age as cogent and coherent political actors. These trends coincide with the identification the growing influence of contested and competing notions of political ideology such as the 'ancient constitution', divine right, and classical republicanism. Add to this works emphasizing the ceaseless religious controversy generated by the Reformation and its concomitant cultural tensions around ritual and tradition; the inherent instability of the composite 'Three Kingdoms' of the Stuarts; and finally the quickening pace of socioeconomic change implicit in inflationary pressure, a crisis of public finance, a rising 'middling sort', enclosures, and the projecting and improving spirit. Seventeenth century England is suddenly looking less consensual, stable and unchanging than the revisionists claimed; longer term, more structural causation (minus the teleological flavour) appears to be back. To take just one example the period of Charles I's personal rule naturally looked harmonious to those focusing on the world of the court; those that looked beyond it to localities and print politics derived a very different picture.
This brings us the Jonathan Healey's 'The Blazing World', which is (to my own limited knowledge) the first overview account of the seventeenth century to unite these more recent historiographical developments for the general reader. Healey's work meets all my complaints about the older two accounts and exceeds itself in doing so. It is a relatively short book and I find myself amazed at the amount he manages to convey in its pages. His style is lively, engaging and does much to bring the period to life.
He deftly integrates many of the historiographical insights outlined above; one gets a real sense of penetration of politics across all levels of society, from Whitehall to parish alehouses. Key events and issues reverberate across these different contexts and elicit responses from obscure petitioners, London crowds, and parish priests, as well as the monarchs, nobles and merchants of traditional accounts. Further, contingency and narrative history are almost imperceptibly combined with wider structural issues when explaining causation; one still gets a sense of paths not taken, and Healey does not go back to the sins of his Whig and Marxist predecessors. Key moments when the decisions of those such as Charles I, George Moncke, and John Churchill have decisive impacts are underlined. But there is still a sense of deeper change moving society; we read about the economic pressures of population growth and enclosure, the financial crisis of the crown, and the impact of new forms of media and political discourse.
Diverse voices and characters are represented here in a glorious cacophony that feels neither desperately inchoate nor artificially melded together for the sake of an overarching narrative. We hear of the experiences of London women in the civil war, protesting a belligerent and uncompromising Rump parliament sending their husbands to die. We hear of rituals of Skimmington in parish of Cartmel. Levellers, Quakers, and Muggletonians make their due appearance but are given a social and ideological grounding older overviews have denied them. We hear of Margaret Cavendish and her tense relations with the royal society; of uprisings in the Midlands over enclosure and land tenure reform. Political ideology, religious division, and parochial controversy over Maypoles meld.
Healey has the requisite sympathy of the historicist and seeks to understand his full cast of characters on their own terms. Very few come across as entirely villainous or without explicable motive, yet neither are the more iniquitous developments of the period (such as the increasing integration of the Atlantic Slave trade into the English economy), let slip by unnoticed. As an example John Locke is portrayed in some ways as a sympathetic figure who formed part of a radical movement against what he perceived as tyrannical absolutism in the name of the liberty of the individual. He he is fully historicised with his now famous philosophical arguments being grounded in the hangover of civil war, and more immediate context of the Exclusion Crisis. Yet his ownership of stocks in the Royal Africa Company and his role in forming the otherwise progressive charter for the colony of Carolina, that re-inforced the slaveowners rights over their 'property' is duly acknowledged, as is the obvious contradiction with his arguments for personal liberty. The last we see of him though he is an old man, replicating royal society experiments in the name of societal improvement and requesting his friends drag his wheelchair out so he can see the sunset. These are all human voices which Healey translates for us across time; he avoids the oversimplification of many popular narratives that delve into a period without due respect for its difference, but also eschews the technical, over-theorising tone academic history sometimes takes, which can dehumanise the past.
A key feature is that in integrating voices of the marginalised and dispossessed Healey does not eschew or show contempt for the importance of high politics. Due time is spent on Westminster and the Court, indeed I learnt much that I did not previously know about the Stuart monarchs and their world (even after much reading of histories exclusively focused on them!). The import of this will become clear when I review Audrey Truschke's overview History of India; like Healey she seeks to provide voices to those ignored by history, yet her near contempt for traditional political narrative harms her project. The risk of letting disagreement with older forms of historical explanation grow into contempt for any of its insights is all too easy, and is something Healey admirably avoids.
In terms of criticisms those I have are fairly muted. First is that Healey largely avoids the 'British-Atlantic' context that frames the civil war as a 'War of Three Kingdoms' and pits the instability of composite monarchies as a key cause. Much work has been done on the interconnectedness of events in Scotland and Ireland with those in England, and I feel more could have been said on this. That being said, the work is explicitly about revolutionary England and I do agree with Healey's unstated argument that there was something distinctive about the English Civil War (in terms of a culture war encompassing political ideology, religion, and forms of civic life) that separates it from the conflicts in, and with, Scotland and Ireland. Perhaps I wish this argument was more clearly laid out, a point which leads to my second (again rather muted) criticism, which is that most of Healey's historiographical debate is implicit rather than explicit. This has the not inconsiderable benefit keeping the text light and brief, avoiding bogging itself down in pages defending its decisions on terminology, chronology, and other arcane technical definitions. But it also means one doesn't get a sense (at least without preexisting historiographical knowledge) of where Healey is breaking new ground.
A final criticism is more of a wish that the book gave more treatment to the post-1688 period. Treatment of this period is confined to a summary of the key aspects of the post-revolutionary settlement with little said about the wider narrative of events or more detailed analysis of developments of the period. I suspect this is due to Healey's increased familiarity with the earlier period, and to an extent can be justified by subtitle 'Revolutionary England' rather than 'Seventeenth Century England' or 'Stuart England'. The pedant in me would like to make the case that 'revolution' 1688 represents was arguably not over until the early eighteenth century and so this period deserves as much coverage as the 1640s or 1670s. Indeed such a chronological bridge would do much to separate the temporal chasm that separates seventeenth and eighteenth century English historiography. However, I have read many histories where the author succumbs to scope creep and extends themselves beyond their knowledge and abilities, and so a part of me respects Healey for his restraint. Further , I am aware that there are many respectable accounts accounts of this period to sate my thirst; Tim Harris's two volumes on the Restoration and Glorious Revolution have been staring provocatively at me from the bookshelf for quite some time.
Overall an absolute banger of a history book, easy 5*.